Northern Roots

We left the Jerningham story with Sir Peter Jernegan and his son Sir John now barons, tenants-in-chief, having inherited the manors of Somerley Town and Wathe, in North Cove, Suffolk. To continue . . .

Part 5 of the Jerningham Story

Manor of Wathe or Wade Hall or Woodhall . . . 

“This manor was probably called after Robert Watheby, of Cumberland, who held it in the time of Hen. II [1154-1189]. From Robert de Watheby the manor passed to his son and heir Thorpine, whose daughter and coheir Maud married Sir Hugh or Hubert Fitz-Jernegan, of Horham Jernegan, Knt., and carried this manor into that family. He died in 1203, and the manor vested in his son and heir, Sir Hubert Jernegan.”

From W A Copinger, Manors of Suffolk, Vol VII

To clarify that:

Robert Watheby of Cumberland fl 1154-1189
~ Thorpine de Watheby
~ ~ Maud de Watheby m Sir Hugh/Hubert Fitz Jernegan d 1203
~ ~ ~ Sir Hubert Jernegan of Horham d 1239 m Margery de Herling
~ ~ ~ ~Sir Hugh Jernegan d 1272 m Ellen Inglesthorpe
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Sir Walter Jernegan m Isabel FitzOsbert d 1311
Additional material from The Baronetage of England, Vol 1
Rev William Betham, 1801

How odd, then, to find this 60 years later:

“To Walter de Glouc[estria], escheator* this side Trent . . .

“. . . Order to deliver to Katharine, late the wife of Roger son of Peter son of Osbert, the manors of Somerleton, Wathe and Uggechale, co. Suffolk, Haddescou and Wyghtlyngham, co. Norfolk, which he has taken into the king’s hands by reason of Roger’s death, and to deliver to her the issues received thence . . .”

From the Close Rolls, Edward I, June 1306, volume 5

The manor was included in the inheritance of Katharine, late the wife of Roger son of Peter FitzOsbert, sister-in-law of Sir Walter Jernegan.

Then some thirty years later, when in 1338 Katherine died, we find the same inheritance – i.e. of Somerleyton, Wathe, Uggeshall, Hadeston (not Haddescou as given) and Whitlingham – divided between Sir Peter Jernegan and Sir John Nougon as Katherine’s late husband’s sole surviving heirs. Further, in 1362, when the last of the Nougons died, whatever they had held of the FitzOsbert inheritance landed fairly into the Jernegans’ hands.

To clarify that line of inheritance:
Osbert m Petronel or Parnel fl ca 1140
~ Roger Fitz Osbert fl 1216 d 1239 m Maud/Agnes fl 1249
~ ~ Osbert (possibly a late fictitious insertion)
~ ~ ~ Peter FitzOsbert of Somerley town d 1275 m Beatrix d 1278
~ ~ ~ ~ Roger FitzOsbert d 1305 m 1stly Sarah, dau/Bartholomew de Creke
~ ~ ~ ~ Roger FitzOsbert d 1305 m 2ndly Katherine d 1338
~ ~ ~ ~ Isabel Fitz Osbert d 1311 m (2ndly) Sir Walter Jernegan dbf 1306
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Sir Peter Jernegan dc 1346 m (1stly) Matilda de Herling
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Sir John Jernegan fl 1362 m Agatha Shelton
~ ~ ~ ~ Alice/Catharine Fitz Osbert fl 1281 m Sir John Noion of Salle d 1325
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Sir John de Nougon d 1341 m Beatrice
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Sir John de Nougon d 1349
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ John de Nougon d 1362 aged 17

So by what circuitous route did this manor of Wathe move from the hold of Sir Hubert Jernegan to that of the FitzOsbert’s – only to return some 60 years later?

The author of the Manors of Suffolk repeats the account of Davy (1769–1851). David Davy was the Suffolk equivalent of Francis Blomefield in that he traversed the county, nosing into churches and the great halls and shuffling around in their papers. He was what the Victorians called “an English antiquarian”, and he worked in conjunction with one Henry Jermyn. Their mss are currently held by the British Museum.

According to Davy, on the death of Sir Hugh Jernegan in 1272 the manor went to Roger son of Peter FitzOsbert. Which in effect shortens the manor’s stay in FitzOsbert’s hands to a mere 30 years.

Copinger remarks that Davy

“. . . apparently assumed the manor to have come to the Jernegans like the Somerleyton estate through the marriage of Sir Walter Jernegan with Isabella, sister and coheir of Sir Roger Fitz Osbert . .”

The way it is worded suggests that Copinger did not believe it. Yet the evidence is there in the Close Rolls. Wathe, together with Somerleyton, was inherited by Katherine from her deceased husband Roger FitzOsbert.

But how could the manor have passed from Sir Hugh Jernegan to Roger son of Peter FitzOsbert? Copinger doesn’t say ‘sold’, he says ‘went to’ and that implies Roger received it as inheritance.

Yet everywhere Sir Hugh’s heir is given as Sir Walter Jernegan – he who married the sister of Roger.

The only other means by which a manor might be passed as inheritance is if it were used as dower or dowery. Since we’re nowhere told of Katherine’s father, perhaps she was daughter to Sir Hugh Jernegan. Sir Hugh then bestowed the manor Wathe upon her as dowery, attracting a hefty-sized dower from Sir Roger her husband in return.

But as the order preserved in the Close Roll of Edward I, June 1306, later states:

“. . . the manors of Somerleton and Wathe are held of the king in chief . . . and the king has taken Katharine’s fealty for [them] . . .”

Were it not for that we could say that Katherine was Sit Hugh’s daughter. But a manor held in-chief of the king was not lightly used as dower or dowery. (see The Gentry Game)

So we ask again, how came it to be part of Katherine’s inheritance from her husband Roger?

To continue to Copinger’s account of Wathe Manor:

“. . . The King . . . granted the lordship of all [Sir Hubert Jernegan’s (d 1239)] large possessions, and the marriage of his wife and children to Robert de Veteri Pont or Vipont [Vieuxpont], so that he married them without disparagement to their fortunes . . .”

As witness the subplots of many a Robin Hood movie, the wardship of orphans and widows made for lucrative pickings. While delaying their marriage, the guardian – or warder as he usually was called – raked in the rents of his wards’ various holdings. The larger the holdings, the juicier the take. Why hurry the marriage in such situation. Some kings allowed this to happen, taking a cut from the profits. King Stephen (1135-1154) was one, King John (1199-1216) another. But other kings, particularly Henry I (1100-1135) and Henry II (1154-1189), empowered their sheriffs to act as the warders, thereby reducing the risk of abuse.

Sherefore Copinger’s statement, that the king granted the lordship of Sir Hubert Fitz-Jernegan’s large possessions, and the marriage of his wife and children to Robert de Vieuxpont, need be read as no more than that: Robert de Vieuxpont, as sheriff, was merely performing his usual duty.

But here we hit a problem. While it is true that Robert de Vieuxpont was a sheriff, in fact High Sheriff of Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire and the Royal Forests and later also High Sheriff of Westmorland, he died several years too early – in 1228.

Sir Hubert Jernegan died in 1239. Robert de Vieuxpont died in 1228.

Yet the position of High Sheriff of Westmorland was in the process of becoming hereditary. And so we find Robert followed, at least in 1235, by John de Vieuxpont, who in turn was followed in 1242, though for only a year, by a younger Robert, of a new generation. Thereafter, John de Vieuxpont 1242–1264, and the sisters Isobella and Idomea Vieuxpont 1264-1308.

But that’s not much help. In 1239-40 there was no Sheriff Robert de Vieuxpont. Anywhere. But it does move our focus northward.

Robert de Watheby of Cumberland

The first mention of Wathe manor finds it in the hold of Robert de Watheby of Cumberland. Copinger, following Davy and Jermyn, suggests it takes it name from de Watheby.

I would disagree, and point to several other manors and villages named Wathe, or Wade, which take their name from being next to a river – as is Wathe manor in North Cove. The name means a ‘wading place’. The same name underlies the Norfolk market town of Watton.

However, those who had access to more evidence than we, were convinced of the association. And so we must follow it.

Robert de Watheby held this manor of Wathe. But did he hold it as tenant-in-chief of the king? Or of some other northern-based lord?

If he held of another and said other was forfeit his lands, then the manor would have been granted to another. Robert de Watheby, or his heirs, would still hold it, merely the overlord has changed. In time it would have passed to Sir Hubert Jernegan and his son Sir Hugh, who would have held of this new tenant-in-chief.

It’s quite a story we are constructing. For it depends upon the manor coming to Sir Roger FitzOsbert as tenant-in-chief. At this point the Jernegans would have been his tenants and done fealty to him, as it is known they did for the manors of Stoven and Bugg.(See Betham’s Baronetage of England, Vol 1)

In this story, when Sir Roger FitzOsbert died, Katherine his widow would have become the Jernegan’s new overlord. And when she died . . . they became their own lords.

But was this what happened? It might help to determine it’s truth if we can find an overlord for Robert de Watheby. And for that we need first to find Robert.

In addition to the amazing collection of historical documents available at British History Online, there are also the County Histories. These mostly were written in 19th century, at the height of the Victorian craze for antiquities. In my trawl through these, hoping to find clues to the roots of the Jernegan tree, I came upon this.

Watheby Genes Graphic

To convert that to the form we’ve been using:
Archil
~ Copsi de Watheby fl 1146 m Goderida, dau/Hermer, lord of Kelfield & Manfield
~ ~ Robert de Watheby
~ ~ ~ Robert de Warcop
~ ~ ~ Alan de Warcop
~ ~ ~ Torphin de Watheby, lord of Manfield, fl 1210
~ ~ ~ ~ Robert d w/o issue
~ ~ ~ ~ Agnes m x 3
~ ~ ~ Matilda [Maud] m 1stly Hugh or Hubert, son/Gernegan d 1204

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Gernegan m Rosamund dbef 1215
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Avice dc 1284 m Robert Marmion d 1240
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Nicholas
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Hugh, son/Hugh fitz Gernegan
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Isabel

I have particularly laid the chart this way, with Gernegan first and his brother Hugh, better given as Sir Hubert of Horham, third, despite that the above graphic shows the reverse, because Gernegan is given as Maud’s heir; Hugh is not though in this graphice he appears to be first-born.

Also, I have changed the year of Torphin’s demise. In the graphic it’s given as 1194 yet in the account of Torphin’s manor of Manfield we find this:

“. . . [Torphin de Watheby] who from 1169 to 1172 was one of the surveyors of the works of Bowes Castle, paid 2 marks for his lands in Richmondshire in 1210-12 . . .”
My italics

Which proves he was still alive in 1212.

Manfield is a parish in the North Riding of Yorkshire. Yet the above graphic was found in Records relating to the Barony of Kendale: volume 2 (1924), pp. 326-340.

Kendal and Westmorland.

Westmorland

As Wikipedia’s article tells us, in the medieval period, Westmorland was part of the greater Northumbria, i.e. that land which lies north of the Humber river yet not into Scotland. The eastern parts of Northumbria became Yorkshire, County Durham and Northumberland, while those to the west became Lancashire, Westmorland and Cumberland. Since 1974 Westmorland and Cumberland have functioned together as Cumbria.

Strathclyde and Northumbria

For convenience, I’ll refer to the region north of the river Ribble as Cumberland and south of the river, yet north of the Mersey, as Lancashire.

In pre-Roman times this entire north of Britain, south of Carlisle, was home to the Brigantes, “the hill tribes”. It might be argued that even in 6th century, while the Angles were establishing their kingdoms of Deira and Bernicia, the Brigantes still held there, despite  the 400 years of Romanisation. But Brigantes or not, the tribes here were Britons, akin to the Cornwallians, Bretons and Welsh. And to their north lay the equally British kingdom of Strathclyde.

Yet already by then, those piratical Celts from northern Ireland, known to the Romans as Scotti, had established themselves along the west coast of Scotland, centred on Argyll, and with claymore in hand had proceeded to dominate Scotland’s native population of Picts. Hence the northern reaches of Britain are known as Scotland, not Pictland.

There was another ethnic group here, come as raiders, soon to settle and take wives from the Britons, Scots and Picts around them. The Norsemen. They are often forgotten, so well did they blend with their hosts. In Russia, within two generations the Viking founders of Novgorod and Kiev had all but disappeared into the local Slavic population.

After the Vikings came the Normans. William I made small inroads. His son, William II, aka Rufus, is said to have conquered the region. Thereafter it was the Anglo-Normans who (most often) held this north western corner of Britain.

The Anglo-Norman hold was tenuous. The Britons, Picts and Scots frequently raided south into Northumbria and Cumberland. Or at least in the histories written by the English it’s the Scots etc who raided south. I’m sure the Scots would say it was the English raiding north. Either way, this entire area resembled a beach with an ever-advancing/retreating strand-line. Who owned the beach and who the sea depended upon one’s affinity. It was a situation that didn’t stabilise until after 1603 when England and Scotland shared a king.

It is therefore easy to see how in Cumberland the wise holder of land was he who knew how to swiftly change sides, swearing fealty first to one overlord, then to another, to English, to Scots.

Westmorland

The tenants-in-chief of Lancashire and Cumberland

  • Pre-Hastings
    Lancashire was held by Harold’s brother Earl Tosti, Thorfinnr and a few English thegns.
  • 1086 (Domesday Survey)
    Lancashire was divided between the king and Roger de Poitou
    An occasional manor was held by an old English thegn, e.g. Arnulf, Orm, Dwan, Ulf, Thorulf.
    Earl Hugh of Chester also had a foot in.

Throughout this region the king’s lands were under the charge of the sheriff of Yorkshire. The holdings of Roger de Poitou, also tenant-in-chief of extensive holdings in the Midlands, Lincolnshire and East Anglia, were held of him by a notorious pluralist, Ernwin the priest; Ernwin held of Roger de Poitou in other counties too.

  • Pre-Hastings
    Cumberland – or at least the more westerly parts abutting Yorkshire – was divided between Earl Tosti and Thorfinnr (Torfinnr shares his name with the later Torphin de Watheby)
    The southerly area, abutting Lancashire and known as Kentdale (later Kendal) was in the hands of one Gillemicel. (Micel here is not intended as the archangel Michael, but is Micel as in Mickle or Muckle Hill, i.e. big.)
  • 1086 (Domesday Survey)
    Cumberland – or that part into which King William had made a wee inroad – was, as you’d guess, in the hands of the king and Roger de Poitou. Almost exclusively.
    This changed when, as said, in 1092 William II invaded and conquered the area.

Wikipedia’s article on the County of Westmorland says that William II then divided Cumberland into the baronies of Kendal and Westmorland, although the article on the barony of Westmorland says the area was divided and made into baronies only in the reign of Henry I (1100-1135). But what’s the difference of 10 years between tenants and overlords.

Baronies of Kendal and Westmorland

To quote Wikipedia’s article:

“The Barony of Kendal is a subdivision of the English traditional county of Westmorland. It is one of two ancient baronies which make up the county, the other being the Barony of Westmorland (also known as North Westmorland, or the Barony of Appleby).”

In other words, the barony of Appleby, or Westmorland, lies to the north. And the barony of Kendal ( anciently Kentdale) occupies the south – abutting Lancashire.

To return to 11th century: William II, alias Rufus, granted his portion of Cumberland, including parts surrendered by Roger of Poitou, to his royal steward, Ivo de Taillebois.

Ivo had accompanied William I from Normandy, and had played a prominent part in breaking Hereward the Wake’s rebellion in 1071. An astute player of the Gentry Game, he had married Lucy, daughter of Turold, sheriff of Lincolnshire in whose name he later held the Lincolnshire ‘honour of Bolingbroke’. It is rumoured, but no where documented, that said daughter Lucy was granddaughter of the English Mercian earl, Alfgar. It is also only a rumour that Lucy was daughter of Turold for she is documented as being his niece. (See below, The Foundation of Medieval Genealogy)

Ivo de Taillebois is a good place to start our quest for the region’s tenants-in-chief circa 1238-72, the reign of Henry III (1216-1272).

From Wikipedia’s article on Ivo de Taillebois we can construct this gene-chart:

Ivo de Taillebois m 1stly unknown
~ Beatrix m Ribald, brother of Alan, Lord of Richmond
Ivo de Taillebois m 2ndly Lucy, dau/Turold of Lincolnshire
~ unnamed daughter m Eldred of Lancaster

The Ancient Families site, fair-brimming with genealogies from Bagabigna of the Armenian Orontid dynasty (fl 550 BCE) to George V, King of England, 1910-36, passing through every European country along the way, would make a more useful resource if each entry carried at least a note of its source. However, Ancient Families does provide us with the following, starting at the family’s origins in Normandy:

Reinfrid Taillebois
~ Ivo de Taillebois of Lincoln & Kendal m 1stly Gundred, dau/William Earl of Warenne
~ ~ Gilbert de Taillebois
~ ~ Orme de Taillebois
~ ~ William de Taillebois
~ ~ dau m Richard de Morville
~ Ivo de Taillebois of Lincoln & Kendal m 2ndly Lucy, dau/Turold of Lincolnshire
~ ~ Beatrix Taillebois m Ribald, illegitimate son /Eudes, Count of Penthievre
~ ~ ~ Ralph Taillebois m Agatha, dau/Robert de Bruis
~ ~ ~ ~ Robert Taillebois m Helewise, dau/Ranulph de Glanville
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Randolph Taillebois m Mary, dau/Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Ralph Taillebois m Anastasia, dau/William Percy
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Mary d 1320 m in 1270 Robert Neville
~ Gilbert FitzReinfrid
~ ~ William of Lancaster

Anyone with passing knowledge of the nobility of the day will recognise at once the heavy-weights in this gene-charts.

In contrast to Ancient Families lack of references, the Foundation of Medieval Genealogy’s website not only provides the sources but each is given in full and discussed. The site represents a major resource for any historian researching the period. Though the authors make no attempt at presenting in graphic form (wisely), from the  quoted charters I picked out the following:

Ivo de Taillebois d 1094 m 1stly daughter/William Bardolf
~ Beatrix m Ribald, illegitimate son/Eudes, Count of Penthièvre
Ivo de Taillebois d 1094 m 2ndly Lucy d 1138, niece/Thorold of Lincolnshire
~ daughter m Eldred
~ ~ Ketel fl 1120 m Christiana, dau/unknown
~ ~ ~ William
~ ~ ~ Orme m 1stly Gunhilda, dau/Gospatrick, Earl of Northumberland
~ ~ ~ Orme m 2ndly Ebrea, dau/unknown
~ ~ Goditha m Gilbert de Lancaster, son/unknown
~ ~ ~ Roger m Sigrid, widow/Waltheof
~ ~ ~ Robert
~ ~ ~ Gilbert de Lancaster
~ ~ ~ Warin de Lancaster dbef 1194 m unknown
~ ~ ~ ~ Henry de Lancaster fl 1190
~ ~ ~ William “Taillebois” de Lancaster, Baron of Kendal, fl 1166 m 1stly unknown
~ ~ ~ ~ Hawise de Lancaster m 1stly William Peverel of Nottingham
~ ~ ~ ~ Hawise de Lancaster m 2ndly Richard de Morville^
~ ~ ~ William “Taillebois” de Lancaster m 2ndly Gundred de Warenne^^

^ Richard de Morville was son of Hugh de Morville & Beatrice de Beauchamp.

^^ Gundred de Warenne, widow of Roger de Beaumont Earl of Warwick, was daughter of William de Warenne Earl of Surrey and his wife Elisabeth de Vermandois

To continue:
~ ~ ~ William “Taillebois” de Lancaster m 2ndly Gundred de Warenne
~ ~ ~ ~ Jordan dbef 1160 (may have been child of 1st marriage)
~ ~ ~ ~ William de Lancaster fl 1156 d 1184 m Helewise, dau/Robert de Stuteville
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Hawise de Lancaster m 11884-89 Gilbert FitzRoger FitzReinfrid Lord of Kendal

Gilbert FitzReinfrid

Against this documented chart, the chart provided by Ancient Families holds reasonably well – until one reaches Gilbert FitzReinfrid, there given as brother of Ivo de Taillebois and father of William de Lancaster. Yet by the evidence of the charters he was definitely the husband of Hawise de Lancaster, daughter of William de Lancaster II.

The Foundation of Medieval Genealogy provides all that is known of Gilbert FitzRoger FitzReinfrid’s ancestry, which is only two generations.

Roger FitzReinfrid Lord of Kendal m unknown
~ Gilbert FitzRoger FitzReinfrid dbef 1220 m 1184/89 Hawise de Lancaster (above).
~ ~ William de Lancaster dc 1247 m Agnes de Brus
~ ~ daughter m Roger de Kirkeby
~ ~ Hawise de Lancaster m Peter (III) de Brus, Lord of Skelton, son/Peter de Brus (II)
~ ~ Alice de Lancaster dbef 1247 m 1220 William de Lindsay, son/Walter de Lindsay
~ ~ Serota de Lancaster m Alan de Multon

Wikipedia’s article, the Barony of Kendal, makes William de Lancaster I the first true Baron of Kendal, i.e.

Ivo de Taillebois d 1094 m 2ndly Lucy d 1138, dau[niece]/Thorold of Lincolnshire
~ daughter m Eldred
~ ~ Goditha m Gilbert de Lancaster, son/unknown
~ ~ ~ William “Taillebois” de Lancaster, Baron of Kendal, fl 1166

That article’s author cites William Farrer, co-editor with John F Curwen of the Records relating to the Barony of Kendale which 3 volumes were published in 1923. Since these are available at British History Online, we’ll go to source.

In the Introduction of volume 1, Farrer defines the area which in 11th and 12th centuries was covered by Kentdale . . .

“. . . in that part of North-Western England, which had lain within the power sometimes of the earls of Northumbria and sometimes of the earls of Mercia . . .”

As proof of its Danelaw connections (and this is relevant to our quest) Farrer cites the system of assessment by ploughlands or carucates, as seen in the Domesday Book, which are peculiar to Danelaw and which here overlies the earlier system of English hides.

As further evidence, the northern half of this region, known as “Westmaringaland” would later be divided into East, Middle and West wards, thus echoing the three-way land divisions found elsewhere in  Danelaw, e.g. the Ridings of Yorkshire and Lindsey. The land south and seaward of “Westmaringaland” shows two such three-way divisions: Amounderness, Lonsdale, Kentdale, Cartmel, Furness and Copeland.

Ivo de Taillebois received the grant of Kentdale, Beetham and Kirkby Stephen. When he died circa 1097, his widow Lucy, who Farrer makes daughter of Thorold of Angers, then married Roger Fitz-Gerold (Roger de Romar the son of Gerald de Romar, as given by The Foundation of Medieval Genealogy).

It might be expected that this Fitz-Gerold and his heirs would succeed to Ivo’s possession of Kentdale but this wasn’t so – or at least there’s no evidence of it. Instead, it seems that Kentdale returned to the crown – until Henry I (1100-35) gave almost the entirety of the region to Nigel d’Aubigny. Though there’s no surviving document-evidence for this either.

Around the year 1114, Henry I granted the honour of Lancaster (“Twixt Ribble and Mersey”), late the hold of Roger de Poitou, to his nephew Stephen of Blois, later King Stephen. Included in this grant was the region of Kentdale. So it seems Nigel d’Aubigny held Kentdale as sub-tenant only. And if Nigel d’Aubigny held as such, it seems likely that so too did Ivo de Taillebois.

In short, so far we find the sub-tenants; we do not find the tenants-in-chief and it is those we seek.

Nigel d’Aubigny died in 1129. His son and heir, Roger de Mowbray, then being a minor of 11 or so years, the vast estate forming the d’Aubigny’s inheritance was taken into the king’s wardship. We know this, for the estate’s many parts were listed in the Pipe Roll of that year. Yet there is no mention of Kentdalin in that Pipe Roll. Neither is Kentdale included in “Westmaringaland” which at that time was in the king’s hands.

But if Kentdale was not in the king’s hands, where was it?

The following reign, of King Stephen (1135-1154), generally presents the local historian with an unfathomable black hole devoid of evidence. Not only did Stephen abuse the land and tenants entrusted to him, his reign was marked by constant warring. That’s never a good time for the keeping of records – they tend to char when the castles and manor-houses are fired. However, a charter was issued between 1145–1154 by Roger de Mowbray, now of age, which enfeoffed a certain knight “of his land of Lonsdale, Kentdale and Horton in Ribblesdale, to hold by the service of four knights”. Said knight was William de Lancaster, son of Gilbert and his wife Goditha.

Goditha, you’ll remember, was granddaughter of Ivo de Taillebois and  Lucy niece of Thorold of Lincolnshire and/or Angers.Her husband, though termed ‘de Lancaster’ was son of unknown.

The terms of the grant weren’t to last long, for the entire area of Cumberland, as far south as beyond the Ribble and into Lancashire, was soon in the hands of David, king of Scotland. David I granted the whole of Westmaringaland to Hugh de Morville. This name might seem familiar; we’ll come to that later. As yet, Hugh de Morville was the king of Scotland’s closest friend and later would become Constable of Scotland.

But, despite the change of kings and overlords, William de Lancaster still held land in Westmarieland and Kentdale – just now he held them of Hugh de Morville instead of de Mowbray. And he continued to hold of Hugh de Morville even after Henry II had ousted the Scots from Cumberland. For despite he had served the Scottish king, who anyway was great-uncle to Henry II . . .

St Margaret of Scotland, sister to Edgar Atheling of Wessex m Malcolm III of Scotland
~ David I of Scotland b 1084
~ Maud aka Edith b 1080 m Henry I b 1068
~ ~ Mathilda (Holy Roman Empress) b 1102 m 2ndly Geoffrey de Anjou dc 1151
~ ~ ~ Henry II b 1133 d 1189

Henry II adopted Hugh de Morville as a favourite, and granted him continued possession of Westmarieland.

Hugh de Morville

When, circa 1106, Henry I of England gave the Cotentin Peninsula in Normandy to his brother-in-law David, future king of Scotland, Hugh de Morville, resident of the area, joined the future king’s household. Thus Hugh travelled to England with the household when, in 1113, David married Maud, daughter of the English Waltheof (whose involvement with the Three Earls’ Rebellion of 1075 had earned him an emasculating death), and heiress of the earldom of Huntingdon and Northampton. David, inheriting the earldom, granted to Hugh a couple of his manors. He was later to grant Hugh the baronies of Lauderdale and Cunningham in Scotland, as well as the lordship of the greater part of Westmorland.

Hugh de Morville died in 1162. His son Richard succeeded him, not only to the lordship of Westmorland but also as Constable of Scotland. Richard, as we’ve seen, married Avice, or Hawise, daughter of William de Lancaster I.

When in 1170 William de Lancaster died, Richard made promise of 200 marks to Henry II for the right to claim his wife’s lands – but those lands were in Lancaster, not in Kentdale. Other lands of Richard and Hawise mentioned in charters are found likewise to be in Lancaster, not in Kentdale. The boundaries of Lancaster and Kentdale had changed, fixed for all time by royal confirmation during the first decade of Henry II’s rule (1154-1164).

William de Lancaster

In 1174 the borderlands of Cumberland were again in Scottish hands. Though briefly. For on 13 July, 1174, William the Lion, King of the Scots 1165-1214, was defeated and captured at Alnwick by troops led by Ranulf de Glanvill – and Westmarieland was taken into Henry II’s hands. For the next few years William de Lancaster’s former lands were held by an official of the crown. No name is given.

William de Lancaster II was son of William “Taillebois” de Lancaster by his second wife, Gundred daughter of the Earl de Warenne. These are names we need to remember.

William “Taillebois” de Lancaster m 2ndly Gundred de Warenne
~ William de Lancaster II fl 1156 d 1184 m Helewise, dau/Robert de Stuteville
~ ~ Hawise de Lancaster m 1184-89 Gilbert FitzRoger FitzReinfrid Lord of Kendal

William de Lancaster II died in 1184, leaving an only daughter, a precious heiress, Helewise or Alice or Hawise or Avice or other variations. Her wardship was given to William Marshal, Earl of Pembroke. Marshal gave her in marriage to Gilbert FitzRoger FitzReinfrid, son of his steward, along with her entire inheritance which included the land of Westmarieland and Kentdale. Richard I the Lionheart confirmed the grant at Rouen on 20 July, 1189.

King Richard further granted to Gilbert . . .

“. . . his whole forest of Westmarieland, Kentdale and Furness, to hold as fully as William de Lancaster I had held it and by the same bounds, together with the forest in Kentdale that he had given to Gilbert, with six librates of land, to hold in as beneficial a manner as Nigel de Aubigny had ever held it; further that what was “waste” in the woods of Westmarieland and Kentdale, in the time of William de Lancaster I, should be “waste” still, excepting purpresture (i.e. encroachment or improvements) made by the licence and with the consent of the lords of the fee of Kentdale and Westmarieland . . .”

From: Introduction, Records relating to the Barony of Kendale:
volume 1 (1923), pp. VII-XVII

William de Lancaster III

William de Lancaster III was son and heir of Hawise de Lancaster and Gilbert FitzRoger FitzReinfrid.

In 1225, Henry III (1216-1272) addressed to him the following letter:

“. . . We have heard grave complaint on the part of the knights and true men of the county of Westmarieland that, whereas we granted and commanded with all of our realm that all the woods, except our own demesne woods, should be disafforested which were afforested by King Henry II, our grandfather, or King Richard, our uncle, or King John, our father, since the time of the first coronation of the said King Henry, our grandfather, and in the charter of that liberty was contained that as we held ourself towards our own dependents, so our magnates should hold themselves towards theirs; you nevertheless hold as forest in the same state as they formerly were certain woodlands and moors afforested since the time abovestated, to the injury and loss of knights and others, your true men and neighbours. Wherefore we command and firmly enjoin that you permit the said woodlands afforested since the aforesaid time to beholden disafforested in accordance with the tenour of our said charter above expressed; so doing in that behalf lest, if you act otherwise, repeated and more serious complaint thereof be borne to our ears. Witness the King, at Westminster on June 30th, 1225 . . .”

Legal jargon never changes. A letter soiked in similar terms was sent to Robert de Vieuxpont, lord of Appleby, Appleby being the name for what was to be the barony of Westmorland.

From: Introduction, Records relating to the Barony of Kendale:
volume 1 (1923), pp. VII-XVII.

Another charter was issued by Richard I in 1189, wherein he granted to Gilbert FitzReinfrid certain crown estates in Kentdale, and coincidently revealed that in the time of Henry II the lords of Kentdale merely held their land of the lord of Appleby. This charter allows us an interesting glimpse of who held what and where.

Quoting from: Introduction, Records relating to the Barony of Kendale:
volume 1 (1923), pp. VII-XVII.

  • Over Levens, where the Hall stands, was granted by William de Lancaster II to Norman de Redman with the reservation of the fishery in the Kent.
  • The “de Bethum” family held the major part of Farleton and Beetham, and in John’s reign were possessors of the fishery between Arnside and Blawith.
  • Gospatric son of Orm and his son, Thomas, held the major part of Preston Patrick and Holme
  • Patrick de Culwen, or Curwen, younger brother and eventually heir of Thomas, gave his name to the former place.
  • Lands in Burton in Kentdale and Lupton were held early in the 13th century by the “De Burton” family.

How pleasing it would be to find such a charter relating to Robert de Watheby.Though we’re now very close to discovering who was his overlord.

Though the de Lancasters had held Kentdale of Hugh de Morville, they had never been barons. Yet through the process of various grants made during the reign of Richard I (1189-1199), Gilbert FitzReinfrid finally made it to baronial status – i.e. as tenant-in-chief. The lands he held in Kentdale, fixed at the service of a meagre two knights, were the very lands which pre-Hastings had been held by Thorfinnr and Earl Tosti.

To quote Farrer’s in summary, which is given in clipped form by the Wikipedia article:

  • no barony or reputed barony of Kentdale existed prior to the grants of 1189–90
  • neither William de Lancaster son of Gilbert, nor William de Lancaster II, his son and successor, can rightly be described as “baron” of Kentdale.
  • Westmarieland was in the hands of Hugh de Morville by grant of Henry II down to Michaelmas 1176 when it was taken into the king’s hands
  • during this time “Noutgeld” [what amounts to a rent] . . . was paid to Hugh de Morville and received by him as part of the issues of his land of Westmarieland
  • It appears therefore improbable, if not impossible, that Kentdale was held by barony prior to 1190.
  • That it was a barony after that date is proved by . . . the Pipe Roll for “Lancastre” of 5 Henry III (1221)

From: Introduction, Records relating to the Barony of Kendale:
volume 1 (1923), pp. VII-XVII.

Thus there can be no denying who was the big man in this particular part of Cumberland. If Robert de Watheby held here, then he held either of William de Lancaster, and he of Hugh de Morville; or he held direct of de Morville. He could not have been a tenant-in-chief.

Westmarieland or the Barony of Appleby

So much for the precursor of the barony of Kendal. But Watheby (or Waitby as it is now) and Warcop are in the northern barony, that of Appleby, or Westmorland.

The Introduction to The Later Records relating to North Westmorland: or the Barony of Appleby is considerably shorter than that to the Barony of Kendal. It begins with Henry II, who enfeoffed Hugh de Morville, as we have seen. It skips lightly over the expulsion of the same knight who, though not mentioned in the previous account of him, was one of the four who spilled the brains of Archbishop Becket on 29 December, 1170 and made of the man a saint. Though, oddly, this wasn’t the reason for de Morville’s expulsion. It was that he had aided the Scottish invasions and Northern Rising of 1173–74.

In 1179 Henry II granted the honour of Westmarieland to his chief justice, Ranulph de Glanville, he who had led the charge at Alnwick. But he too was deprived of it, this time by Richard 1 in 1190. The Crown again resumed possession.

Next, in 1203 King John granted . . .

“Appleby and Brough with all their appendages with the bailiwick and the rent of the county with the services of all tenants (not holding of the king by military service) to hold by the service of four knights . . .”

From: North Westmorland: The barony of Appleby,
The Later Records relating to North Westmorland:
or the Barony of Appleby

(1932)

Although this is given as evidence of when military service first was due from Appleby/Westmarieland, thus making it a barony, yet it’s of interest to us because of the recipent of the grant. Robert de Vieuxpont.

The author and editor, John F. Curwen (Farrer being now deceased) continues . . .

“. . . the lordship passed down from Robert de Veteripont to his great grand-daughter, Isabella, who married Roger de Clifford in 1269; and from them it passed down through twelve generations to Lady Anne Clifford whose daughter, Margaret, married John Tufton, 2nd Earl of Thanet in 1629 . . .”

I think we can safely say that Robert de Veteripont (Vieuxpont) was overlord to Robert de Watheby’s heirs, at least during the years 1203 to 1228. But that covers only the period from Sir Hugh or Hubert Fitz-Jernegan’s death in 1203, to midway through the life of his son, Sir Hubert, who died in 1239. This is not the most satisfactory of answers.

And, as Copinger tells us in his Manors of Suffolk, Vol VII this same Robert de Vieuxpont was  granted wardship of Jernegan’s lands, widow and children. It could be time to look at this from a different angle.

Maud, daughter of Torphin de Watheby

Maud was heir to her father Torphin. There is no problem there, except one asks what of her sister Agnes. It was usual, while an inheritance passed intact to the eldest surviving son (see Gentry Game), if no such son existed then the inheritance was shared between daughters. So one must assume that Agnes got her share too – which didn’t included Wathe manor, in North Cove, Suffolk. Perhaps Maud was given this as convenient to her Suffolk-based husband. Though, as we shall see, there is ample evidence of the Gernegan family, now given the harder Yorkshire ‘G’, holding lands ‘up north’.

A History of the County of York North Riding: Volume 1, published 1914, editor William Page, is available at British History Online. This is another wonderful resource for local historians; most of the parish articles here include lists of placenames found in earlier centuries but now lost. For our first stop – Manfield, a village lying close-to, yet a safe distance from, the Roman-built Watling Street – these 12th and 13th century place-names include:

Buttrethorn
Staynhoudalesike
Waredhou
Lathegarthmire
and Standandestaynecrosse

Pinkney Carr is mentioned in 1717. While in Cliffe, a small village included in the Manfield parish, are found :

Haverfield
Willow Pound
Stonebridge-fields
Scroggy Pasture [love that one]
Lime Kill-fields
and Carlberry.

From: Parishes: Manfield,
A History of the County of York North Riding: Volume 1
(1914), pp. 186-190.

In 1086 Manfield was in the soke of Count Alan’s manor of Gilling. It was part of the honour of Richmond, and so it remained through the centuries.

Sometime before 1137 Count Stephen, younger brother of above Count Alan (see Foundation 2, the Manor), had enfeoffed one Hermer of Kelfield as under-tenant at Manfield. Hermer was succeeded by his daughter Gutherith – Goderida as given in the graphic above.

Torphin son of Robert son of Copsi is the next mentioned, confirmed with his heirs in the tenancy of Manfield at two knights’ fees by Conan IV Earl of Richmond 1146-1171, Duke of Brittany. Hermer and his daughter Goderida are here given as ancestors of Torphin, though bluntly, without more explanation. But we’ve seen that Goderida married Copsi de Watheby, and thus was grandmother to Torphin.

Interesting things are said of Torphin.

  1. he was known as Torphin de Manfield, de Brough and de Watheby. Brough, you’ll note, is in the Barony of Appleby/Westmorland
  2. he had a station at Richmond Castle, this being between the kitchen and the brewery. This implies he served as butler to the Bretons of Richmond, which in those days was an honoured and trusted position. Wine, drunk by the magnates only, did not come cheap.
  3. that while he was descended from a previous lord of Manfield, “his claim to this place must have been through his wife, for the two knights’ fees were divided on his death between his daughters (apparently her children) and the descendants of his son Conan.”
  4. that from 1169 to 1172 Torphin was one of the surveyors of the works of Bowes Castle
  5. that in 1210-12 he paid 2 marks for his lands in Richmondshire.
  6. that he had three daughters:
    1. Parnel.
      It is suggest she might be his natural daughter. (Note, she’s not mentioned in the graphic above). Torphin married her to Geoffrey de Bretaneby – of whom I can find no other reference
    2. Agnes
      Who became wife of Robert Tailbois of Hurworth. Hurworth lies to the south of Darlington, Manfield to the west; though there’s no great distance between them, yet one is in Yorkshire, the other in Co Durham. The river Tees forms the boundary.
    3. Maud
      Who had four successive husbands:

      1. Robert [it’s suggested this is in error and ought to be Hubert]
      2. Nicholas de Bueles
      3. Philip de Burgh, given as son of Thomas de Burgh. That’s probably Burgh-by-Sands, near Carlisle, not Burgh Castle on the Suffolk-Norfolk border; though it could be Burgh-le-Marsh in Lincolnshire.
      4. and John
  7. that Agnes and Maud were their father’s heirs and that both were called ‘de Morvill.’
    Now that is interesting in view of what we have learned of Westmorland and Kendal.
    The author suggests the ‘de Morvill’ is from their mother whose name is otherwise unkown. Apparently, both daughters were granted a share of the church and the mill to St. Agatha’s Abbey. But the author is rather dismissive of Agnes, there being no further evidence of her or her descendants in connection with Manfield. I found mention of her in Kelfield.
  8. that Maud’s son and heir was Gernegan.
  9. that Gernegan’s heir was his daughter Avis who was still a minor when he died.
  10. that said heiress Avis was made ward of Robert Marmion whom, it’s believed, she subsequently married.
    Robert or another, she did marry into the Marmion family for the family held Manfield for several subsequent generations. They then were succeeded there, as at Tanfield (more anon), by the Greys of Rotherfield.

All this is thoroughly referenced in footnotes; see Parishes: Manfield, A History of the County of York North Riding: Volume 1, pp. 186-190.

When I first passed this way I was seeking the roots of the Jerningham-Jernegan-Gernegan tree. So having scooped what seemed the jackpot, I moved on to further explore the North Riding of Yorkshire. But now we are trying to understand the descent of an inheritance it might be as well to look at the wider connections.

There was another family holding land in Manfield, known in 13th century as the FitzConans and later as the FitzHenrys of Kelfield. As seen in the graphic and gene-chart above, Robert de Watheby was descended on his mother’s side from one Hermer of Kelfield. But what wasn’t shown in the graphic was that Torphin had a son in addition to Robert. Conan. Conan’s son, Henry, held lands in Manfield in 1202. His grandson, also named Henry, is on record as dividing the mill at Manfield with Avice Marmion (see above) and the Abbot of Easby in 1274. By 1282 Torphin’s holdings at Manfield, two knights’ fees, had been inherited jointly by this same grandson Henry and Avice Marmion.

So, to extend the gene-chart for the Watheby family of Manfield:

Archil
~ Copsi de Watheby fl 1146 m Goderida, dau/Hermer, lord of Kelfield & Manfield
~ ~ Robert de Watheby
~ ~ ~ Robert de Warcop
~ ~ ~ Alan de Warcop
~ ~ ~ Torphin de Watheby, lord of Manfield, fl 1210
~ ~ ~ ~ Matilda [Maud] de MorvilleHugh/Hubert, son/Gernegan d 1204
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Gernegan m Rosamund dbef 1215
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Avice dc 1284 m Robert Marmion d 1240
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Nicholas
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Hugh
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Isabel
~ ~ ~ ~ Agnes m x3
~ ~ ~ ~ Robert d w/o issue
~ ~ ~ ~ Conan de Manfield and Kelfield
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Henry Fitz Conan fl 1202
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Henry FitzHenry fl 1274

This clearly shows Torphin’s heirs, at least for Manfield, to have been Maud and Conan; and Maud’s heir to have been Gernegan, not Hugh.

The FitzHenrys of Kelfield continued to hold here as mesne lords until 1496. Unlike Wathe and Somerley Town in Suffolk, this was not land held in-chief of the crown, but held of the honour of Richmond.

The Gernegan family held several manors in North Ridings of Yorkshire.

For example in A History of the County of York North Riding, Volume 1 West Tanfield, pp. 384-389 we find Hugh son of Gernegan as tenant of two and a half fees. He is described as a contemporary of Torphin de Manfield and husband of Maud de Morvill, one of the heirs of Torphin de Manfield. And again we’re told that their son Gernegan succeeded to Maud’s inheritance, but nothing is said of their Suffolk-based son, Sir Hubert of Horham.

This is the second mention of Torphin’s daughter and heir being Maud de Morvill, and we’ve already seen that Hugh de Morvill held land that was to become the barony of Appleby or Westmorland, first of David I king of Scotland, and later of Henry II. Since Hugh died 1182, it’s fair to say that Robert son of Copsi, and Torphin too held the manor of Watheby direct of him. In fact, the author of Records relating to the Barony of Kendale: volume 2 Casterton, pp. 326-340, is quite certain that in the 12th century the lords of Manfield in Yorkshire, and of Waitby and Warcop in Westmorland, i.e. Copsi, Robert and Torphin, were lords in Casterton too. To quote:

“. . . [in 1222] Nicholas de Buelles and Matilda [Maud] his wife, one of the daughters and eventually co-heirs of Torphin son of Robert de Manfield, granted for themselves and Matilda’s heirs to Alice [Helewise] daughter of Gilbert, the tenant, a moiety of the manor of Casterton for 30 marks and a palfrey. This Alice, daughter of Gilbert, was undoubtedly the daughter of Gilbert Fitz-Reinfrid and sister of William de Lancaster III. Before the year 1235 she married William de Lindesay and in that year he and Alice his wife called William de Lancaster to warrant to them concerning the third part of the mill in Casterton . . .”

If I’m reading this right then Alice, daughter of Gilbert Fitz-Reinfrid, held land of Maud de Manfield, aka de Morvill.

When we first looked at The Later Records relating to North Westmorland: or the Barony of Appleby, we went only as far as Robert de Vieuxpont who held the lordship from 1203 till his death in 1228. The lordship remained in his family, till his great-granddaughter, Isabella, who in 1269 married Roger de Clifford. The lordship then passed to the Cliffords.

That account continues, moving now to the Barony of Kentdale

“. . . it would appear that the lordship over it had been taken from Roger de Mowbray, at or before the accession of Henry II, and united to Westmarieland as a mesne lordship held by the service of £14. 6s. 3d. for noutgeld. So that the Williams de Lancaster, the first and the second, were ipso facto tenants of Hugh de Morvill . . .”
My italics.

To repeat:

“The lordship remained in his family, till his great-granddaughter, Isabella, who in 1269 married Roger de Clifford.”

To connect the dots: if Alice de Lancaster held Casterton of Maud de Watheby, aka Maud de Morvill, it seems quite certain that said Maud de Morvill was heir to Hugh de Morvill. A child could reason it.

So now we can answer from whom did Maud de Watheby hold the manor of Wathe. If she was the heir to Hugh de Morvill then the answer must be of the king as tenant-in-chief.

But wouldn’t that destroy our story of how the manor passed out of Sir Jernegan’s hands and into those of Roger FitzOsbert?

So let’s first make sure that Maud de Watheby really was heir to Hugh de Morvill.

The Later Records relating to North Westmorland: or the Barony of Appleby, being the later records are by no means thorough in their coverage of the earlier centuries. However, in St Laurence, Crosby Ravensworth we find this.

Mauld’s Meaburn Hall

“. . . King’s Meaburn and Mauld’s Meaburn were anciently one manor and continued undivided until the time of Hugh de Morville’s rebellion in 1173–4. The king then escheated the manor, saving a portion which was allowed to remain to de Moreville’s only daughter, Maud. Maud married William de Veteripont [Vieuxpont] and about 1230 Ivo de Veteripont granted to his daughter, Joan, for her homage and service one toft with a croft . . .”

Maud daughter of Hugh de Morvill married William de Vieuxpont.

“The King . . . granted the lordship of all [Sir Hubert Jernegan’s] large possessions, and the marriage of his wife and children to Robert de Veteri Pont or Vipont, so that he married them without disparagement to their fortunes . . ”

From Manors of Suffolk, Vol VII, W A Copinger
Manor of Wathe or Wade Hall or Woodhall

Sir Hubert Jernegan’s mother was Maud de Watheby, aka de Morvill. But was she the same Maud, daughter of Hugh de Morvill who had married William de Vieuxpont?

When Hugh de Morville died in 1162, he was succeeded both as Constable of Scotland and in his English and Scottish estates by his son Richard. His English estate was quite extensive, including manors in Northamptonshire, Rutland, and Huntingdon, and of course, the barony of Westmorland and part of Kentdale.

Hugh de Morville d 1162
~ Richard de Morville d 1189 m Avice (Alice, Hawise) de Lancaster
~ ~ William de Morville fl 1180, d w/o issue
~ ~ Malcolm de Morville – killed while hunting
~ ~ Maud de Morville m William de Vieuxpont, Lord of Westmorland
~ ~ Elena de Morville bc 1170 m Roland of Galloway

From Wikipedia’s article on Richard de Morville

According to that article, it was Elena, not Maud, who was the “eventual sole heir” to her father Richard.

But in the article on Hugh de Morville we find there were two Hugh de Morville’s, father and son, and that the Hugh de Morville who co-assassinated Thomas Becket was Hugh the son. See Gene-chart below.

It was this same Hugh de Morville, the son, who later (1174) forfeited the Lordship of Westmorland, inherited from Hugh de Morville the father. Said land and lordship of Westmorland then was granted to Maud, his sister, the same Maud who married William de Vieuxpont.

Yet Wikipedia’s article on Richard de Morville gives this Maud who married William de Vieuxpont as daughter of Richard and thus niece of Hugh, the son of Hugh de Morville. With such conflicting statements we are entitled to be confused.

Hugh de Morville d 1162 m Beatrice, dau-heir/Robert de Beauchamp
~ Hugh de Morville, Lord of Westmorland (the assassin or Thomas Becket)
~ Maud de Morville m William de Vieuxpont.
~ Richard de Morville d 1189 m Avice (Alice, Hawise) de Lancaster
~ Ada de Morville m Roger Bertram, Lord of Mitford, Northumberland
~ Simon de Moreville d 1167, of Kirkoswald, m Ada de Engaine

I checked this genealogy against that given by the Foundation for Medieval Genealogy

Hugh de Morville d 1162 m Beatrice de Beauchamp
~ Hugh de Morville daf 1153
~ Richard de Morville d 1189, heir to Hugh his brother m aft 1155 Hawise de Lancaster, widow/William Peverel (disputed by FMG)
~ ~ William de Morville d 1196 m unknown
~ ~ Helen de Morville d 1217 m Roland Lord of Galloway
~ Malcolm de Morville
~ Ada de Morville dc 1227 m 1stly Richard de Lucy
~ Ada de Morville dc 1227 m 2ndly as 2nd wife, Thomas de Multon
~ Joan de Morville m Richard Gernon

Maud de Morville is absent from FMG, both as sister of Richard de Morville, and as daughter. This doesn’t mean she didn’t exist, only that her name doesn’t feature with others of the family in any of the surviving charters.

So back to the Hugh de Morville article in Wikipedia; what are the sources? Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Stringer (2004). Unfortunately the DNB requires subscription to access The article on Richard de Morville cites the same DNB, though not specifically in reference to Maud, sister or daughter.

However, Wikipedia’s article on Robert de Vieuxpont repeats of Maud de Morville as wife William de Vieuxpont, she being mother of Robert. Here, in ‘References’ is a link to a ‘Biography, of Robert de Vieuxpont in service of King John 1203’ To quote:

“Vieuxpont [Veteri Ponte, Vipont], Robert de (d. 1228), administrator and magnate . . . was the younger son of William de Vieuxpont (d. in or before 1203), who became an important Anglo-Scottish landowner, and his wife, Maud de Morville (d. c.1210), whose father Hugh (in 1170 one of the assassins of Thomas Becket) forfeited the barony of Westmorland in 1173 . .

“. . . in February 1203 he was given custody of the castles of Appleby and Brough, to which the lordship of Westmorland was added a month later; then in October 1203 custody during pleasure was changed to a grant in fee simple, for the service of four knights, and Vieuxpont had become one of the leading barons in northern England.”

Sources? Well, while the author provides an impressive list he doesn’t note which belongs to what.

The other link given as ‘References’ is to Westmorland Barony, an informative site that covers the history of Barony of Appleby from 1066.

“. . . William the Norman Conqueror gave the whole of Cumberland, and this great barony, to Ranulph de Meschiens, who married Lucia, the sister of Hugh Lupus, Earl of Chester . . .”

Ranulph de Meschiens and Lucia had a son Ranulph, heir to all but a large portion of Cumberland which had previously been granted to “his uncle William and others”.

When Ranulph de Meschiens, junior, became Earl of Chester he gave the barony of Appleby to his sister, wife of Robert d’Estrivers, or Trevers. Their daughter married Ranulph Engain, who thus was the next to acquire the barony. Ranulph Engain’s granddaughter “passed it to Simon de Morville”, assumingly through marriage. And Simon de Morville’s son Hugh was one of the four knights that assassinated Thomas-a-Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury.

Wrong – or at least, not unless Simon de Morville was alias Hugh de Morville the elder. Wrong too that the king seized his estates in reaction to the assassination. As we’ve already seen, Hugh de Morvill lost his hold of Westmorland/Appleby because of his involvement with a northern rebellion.

“. . . the barony then was retained by the crown till King John granted it to Robert de Veteripont, (Lord of Curvaville, in Normandy), together with the custody of the castles of Appleby and Brough, and the “Sheriffwick and rent of the county of Westmorland,” in perpetuity . . .”

From Westmorland Barony.

In 1228 John de Vieuxpont succeeded his father Robert as sheriff of Westmorland. In 1242 John’s son and heir, Robert de Vieuxpont, being a minor was taken into the king’s wardship. He later joined the barons in rebellion against Henry III and died in 1264 of his wounds. The barony was subsequently restored to his daughters Isabella and Idonea.

This might seem an improvement, for now we have certain evidence of a Robert de Vieuxpont alive at the time of Sir Hubert Jernegan’s death. Yet he was an infant.

And the source for the above history? None is given.

Returning to Wikipedia, what are we told about William de Vieuxpont? After all, he was the one who married Maud de Morville.

“. . . William de Vieuxpont, Lord of Westmorland married Maud, daughter of Richard de Morville (1189-?). She died in 1210. He died in 1203 . . ”

And the source? The Oxford National Dictionary of Biographies.

So Maud was daughter of Richard de Morville, not his sister. But this Maud de Morville, who married William de Vieuxpont, could not be the same Maud de Morville, daughter of Torphin de Watheby. She is already the daughter of Richard de Morville. Yet she could be the unnamed wife of Torphin and mother of Hugh fitz Gernegan’s wife, Maud de Morville.

Alice de Lancaster held Casterton manor of Maud de Watheby, aka Maud de Morvill, aka Maud de Manfield.

But then how could this Maud de Morville have time to marry Torphin and produce, at the least, daughters Agnes and Maud, and then for the daughter Maud to marry Hugh fitz Gernegan, when said Hugh fitz Gernegan died in 1203 – and so too did Maud de Morville’s first husband, William de Vieuxpont.

The answer is twofold:

  1. we – and the authors of these histories – are looking at the evidence from a future perspective and this causes distortion in the sequence of events. i.e. a woman might be widowed and remarried ten, even twenty, years after her daughter has married and produced five or so grandchildren. Which leads to the second part of the answer.
  2. Agnes and Maud were not Thorpin’s daughters. It clearly says that in the History of the County of York North Riding; Manfield

“. . . the two knights’ fees were divided on [Torphin’s] death between his daughters (apparently her children) and the descendants of his son Conan . . .”
My italics, but not my brackets.

And that is why Robert, who died without issue, is shown on the Casterton graphic, and why Conan is not.

And that is why Agnes and Maud/Matilda are shown on the Casterton graphic, but their step-sister Parnel is not.

So to amend and update the Manfield gene-chart:
 Archil
~ Copsi de Watheby fl 1146 m Goderida, dau/Hermer, lord of Kelfield & Manfield
~ ~ Robert de Watheby
~ ~ ~ Torphin de Watheby, lord of Manfield, fl 1210 m 1stly unknown
~ ~ ~ ~ Parnel
~ ~ ~ ~ Conan de Kelfield
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Henry FitzConan fl 1202
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Henry FitzHenry fl 1274
~ ~ ~ Torphin de Watheby, lord of Manfield, fl 1210 m 2ndly Maud de Morville, widow/William de Vieuxpont
~ ~ ~ ~ Robert d w/o issue

Hugh de Morville d 1162 m Beatrice de Beauchamp
~ Hugh de Morville daf 1153
~ Richard de Morville d 1189 m aft 1155 Hawise de Lancaster
~ ~ Maud de Morville m 1stly William de Vieuxpont
~ ~ ~ Agnes m x3
~ ~ ~ Maud de Watheby m 1stly Hugh/Hubert, son/Gernegan d 1204
~ ~ ~ ~ Gernegan m Rosamund dbef 1215
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Avice dc 1284 m Robert Marmion d 1240
~ ~ ~ ~ Nicholas son of Gernegan
~ ~ ~ ~ Sir Hubert Jernegan dc 1239 m Margery de Herling
~ ~ ~ ~ Isabel
~ ~ Maud de Morville m 2ndly Torphin de Watheby
~ ~ ~ Robert d w/o issue

___________________________

Now we have journeyed north, to North Ridings of Yorkshire, we’re in a better position to find Bryan, the very root of the Jerningham tree. Though Prince of Denmark? That I still doubt. For as I said at the start, Brian is not Danish name. It was a name common amongst Bretons of this period, as much as was Conan and Alan. And at this period in the North Riding of Yorkshire Bretons abounded.

But word-counts and deadlines have again tripped me. I have just enough time to add this, then the rest must wait for next week.

We have seen how, in the account of Wathe Manor in Copinger’s Manors of Suffolk, the names given in the early part all have northern providence. Robert de Watheby and his daughter Maud, Robert de Vieuxpont. Even the Jernegan family are represented in the north. And I have said of the name of the manor, that it’s formed upon wade, and is a name found in many places, north to south, throughout England.

Wathe – the wading-place

“At the east end of Hurworth village there is another bridge across the Tees, and there are fords near Neasham village called High Wath and Low Wath . . .”

From A History of the County of Durham:
Volume 3 (1928), Hurworth, pp. 285-293

Wath, or Wathe, a wading-place. Some have grown to be villages.

Wath St Mary:

“. . . a parish, partly in the wapentake of Allertonshire, and partly in that of Hallikeld, N. riding of York; containing, with the townships of Melmerby, Middleton-Quernhow, and Norton Conyers . . . “

Wath:

“ . . . a township, in the parish of Hovingham, union of Malton, wapentake of Ryedale, N. riding of York, 8 miles (W. by N.) from Malton . . . “

Wath-Upon-Dearne (All Saints):

“. . . a parish, in the union of Rotherham, N. division of the wapentake of Strafforth and Tickhill, W. riding of York . . .”

From A Topographical Dictionary of England (1848), pp. 486-490.

But to return to the parish of Wath that straddles the Allerton and Hallikeld wapentakes in the North Riding of Yorkshire, which in 1831 comprised the township of Wath and the chapelries of Melmerby, Middleton Quernhow and Norton Conyers . . .

The manor of Wath had been held, pre-Hastings, by Archil and Roschil. Archil the father of Copsi, already met in the Casterton graphic. By 1086 the manor had become part of Count Alan’s extensive honour. And so it remained, held of the Bretons of Richmond down through the centuries.

But there is an interesting story told here. It seems the whole of Wath and the church were granted, before 1156, to the abbey of Mont St. Michel. Yet, almost as if he didn’t know, Alan III, Lord of Richmond, went ahead and granted the land to Brian, lord of Bedale.

“. . . and that Brian or his son enfeoffed of it one of the ancestors of the Marmions, probably Gernegan son of Hugh, against whom the monks of Mont St. Michel brought a plea concerning land in Wath in 1176-7 . . .”

To compound the matter, a few years previous, Brian, younger brother of Conan IV, Earl of Richmond, Duke of Brittany (1146-1171) had confirmed his predecessor’s grant to the abbey. The monks were not about to settle quietly out of court and the dispute rolled on for some sixty years. It came to a head in 1239 when the monks took it to the Papal Court.

The abbey claimed they’d always had two monks on the manor. (Though how that proves their right I’m sure I don’t know.) Sir Robert Marmion claimed he had it by right of his wife – Avis daughter of Gernegan, who again we have met. Moreover, Sir Robert offered to prove by duel that the manor was his. And, foolishly, the then-abbot accepted.

The duel duly was fought

“ . . . in a place appointed by the king, the knight bringing a multitude of armed men, and the knight’s champion was more than once brought to the ground, on which the knight’s party interfered to rescue him, and threatened death to the abbot and his champion, so that the abbot, fearing that death would ensue, came to the spot and renounced his right, which renunciation the knight would not admit save by way of peace and payment of a sum of money . . .”

From: A History of the County of York North Riding:
Volume 1
(1914), Wath, pp. 390-396.

The rights and wrongs of the case are irrelevant, though it was later judged by the pope that the Marmions did have the right of the claim. What is relevant is that Wath in North Riding of Yorkshirewas held by one Hugh, son of Gernegan the elder, husband of Maud de Watheby. And this at a time when Robert de Vieuxpont was active as a sheriff of the northern reaches – the same Robert de Vieuxpont who was the son of William de Vieuxpont and Maud de Morville, these being Hugh Fitz Gernegan’s in-laws.

I believe there has been a mistake, a perfectly understandable muddling of one place for another. I believe the account we’re given by Copinger and Blomefield belongs to the northern Wath. I believe the Suffolk manor of Wathe to be named merely for the fact of its location, beside the river Waveney at a point that might be waded. I believe that manor was not in Jernegan hands until inherited along with Somerley Town by Sir Peter Jernegan in 1338.

___________________________

And in the next post, finally, we’ll meet with Bryan. But will he be Danish, or Breton?

Lady Isabel and the Jernegan Lords

Jernegan Osbert Creke Manors

Map of the manors mentioned in the text.

The Jernegans of Somerley Town

“Sir Walter Jernegan of Horham, and of Stonham-Jernegan, Knt . . . married Isabella, daughter and at length heir of Sir Peter Fitz-Osbert of Somerley Town in Suffolk, Knt. . . . She afterwards became co-heir to her brother, Roger Fitz-Osbert, summoned among the barons to parliament 22 Edward I [1294]. Sir Walter must have died before the 34th Edward I [1306] his wife Isabella being described that same year as a widow, 40 years of age.”

From The Baronetage of England, Vol 1, by Rev William Betham, 1801

When Sir Walter Jernegan (of Horham and Stonham-Jernegan, see Map) was contracted in marriage to Isabella, daughter and at length heir of Sir Peter Fitz-Osbert, she had a brother, Roger Fitz-Osbert. And he a wife. So he might be expected to produce an heir. And even after his first wife died (Sarah de Creke) and he married another (Katherine) there still was a chance. Yet in 1306 when he died . . .

“To Walter de Glouc[estria], escheator* this side Trent.

Order to deliver to Katharine, late the wife of Roger son of Peter son of Osbert, the manors of Somerleton, Wathe and Uggechale, co. Suffolk, Haddescou and Wyghtlyngham, co. Norfolk, which he has taken into the king’s hands by reason of Roger’s death, and to deliver to her the issues received thence, as the king learns by an inquisition taken by the escheator that Roger and Katharine jointly acquired the manors from John Blome, to hold to them and to Roger’s heirs, and that Roger and Katharine continued their seisin thereof until Roger’s death, and that the manors of Somerleton and Wathe are held of the king in chief and the manors of Uggechale and Haddiscou are held of Roger le Bygod, earl of Norfolk and marshal of England, and the manor of Whitlyngham is held of Richard de la Rokele, and the king has taken Katharine’s fealty for the manors of Somerleton and Wathe, which he has rendered to her.”

From: ‘Close Rolls, Edward I: June 1306’, Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward I: volume 5: 1302-1307 (1908), pp. 389-399.

* Escheat
The process whereby the property of a person who died without immediate heirs was temporarily reclaimed by the Crown while an inquest was held. The land then was granted to whatever heirs had been found else, in their absence, returned to the leaser, which might be the Crown.

The statement of 1st June 1306, found in the Close Rolls of Edward I, is packed with information:

  1. the immediately ancestry of Roger Fitz-Osbert — “Roger son of Peter son of Osbert”
  2. the name of Roger’s widow — Katharine
  3. that Katherine was found to be his heir — i.e. Roger died without issue
  4. the extent of Roger’s estate at the time of his death — the manors of Somerleton, Wathe and Uggechale, co. Suffolk, Haddescou and Wyghtlyngham = Somerleyton, Wathe manor in North Cove, Uggeshall, Whitlingham, and not Haddescou as given but Hadeston (to which we’ll return)
  5. that these manors were jointly acquired from John Blome
  6. the manors of Uggechale and Haddiscou were held of Roger le Bygod, earl of Norfolk and marshal of England
  7. the manor of Whitlyngham was held of Richard de la Rokele
  8. the manors of Somerleton and Wathe were held of the king
  9. the king had taken Katharine’s fealty for these last two manors

“These manors were jointly acquired from John Blome”

This brief but vital statement implies to the modern mind that Roger and Katherine bought (or leased) the said manors from the said John Blome; that these were not part of a greater inheritance but had newly come to the family.

Curious of why this untitled John might have the king’s manors to sell, I went in search of him. He was not easily found and required a lengthy trawl. However, I discovered him lurking in Francis Blomefield’s An Essay towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk available at British History Online, Volume 7, pp. 66-78: Hundred of Humble-Yard: Newton.

The Manor of Blundeville’s, or Newton-Hall

“. . . which had its name from its owners, and to which the mediety of the advowson of the church belonged; the first that I find of this name owner here, was Will. de Blundeville, Blomevyle, or Blunnel, (fn. 4) who had it of the gift of Henry de Rhye, with Blomevyle’s manor in Depham . . .”

After a dry discourse on the descent of the manor through the hands of the heirs, there is notice of the patrons of the above-said church and the rectors appointed.

“1294, John Blumvyle, rector; he was escheator for the King in Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgshire, Huntingdonshire, Essex, and Hertfordshire, in 1289. Will. de Blumville, patron.”

Having found him once of course he appeared again: now in “Gallow and Brothercross Hundreds: North-Creak’, volume 7, pp. 66-78.

“. . . in 18 Edward II [1325] Alice, widow of John de Thorp, had the King’s writ directed to John de Blomvill, eschaetor of Norfolk and Suffolk, Cambridge, &c. dated April 18, at Beauliau, for dower to be assigned her, out of certain knight’s fees . . .”

Although neither excerpt make explicit that John Blome and John Blumvyle are one and same, yet it was common at this time to drop the French ‘ville’, as did Bishop Turbe of Norwich,  given also as Turbeville.

So, what the above statement was saying, wasn’t that Roger and Katherine had bought these manors, but that they had paid the fines incurred in the process of transferring from deceased to heir (these were later replaced by death duties). The said deceased, from whom Roger and Katherine jointly inherited, was, as recounted by Betham in his Baronetage of England, Sir Peter Fitz-Osbert of Somerley Town.

But the transference of estate had not gone smoothly as here evidenced:.

“May 4. Winchester

To Walter de Gloucestr[ia], escheator this side Trent. Order to deliver to Katharine, late the wife of Roger son of Peter son of Osbert, tenant in chief, the manors of Somerleton, Wath and Uggehale, co. Suffolk, and the manors of Hadiscou and Witlingham, co. Norfolk, which he has taken into the king’s hands by reason of Roger’s death, to be held by her in tenencia until the octaves of the Holy Trinity next, so that she may answer to the king for the issues thereof if they ought to pertain to him, although the king learned by an inquisition taken by the escheator concerning the lands that belonged to Roger that Roger and Katharine acquired the manors from John Blome to them and the heirs that he should beget upon Katharine, with remainder to Roger’s right heirs, and the king has ordered another inquisition to be taken by the escheator by reason of certain defects found in the said inquisition.” [My italics]

From: ‘Close Rolls, Edward I: May 1306’, Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward I: volume 5: 1302-1307 (1908), pp. 379-388

And what were these “certain defects”?

An account concerning the Osbert estate is given in the ‘Close Rolls, Edward I: June 1306’, Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward I: volume 5: 1302-1307 (1908), pp. 389-399 already quoted.

“June 21. Dunstable

The king sent his writ to Walter de Gloucestr[ia], escheator this side Trent, dated at Bishops Sutton, 6 May, in his thirty-fourth year, which is set out in full, ordering the escheator to take into the king’s hands all the lands that Roger son of Peter son of Osbert held at his death both by the courtesy of England of the inheritance of Sarah, his late wife, and of his own inheritance, and to cause them to be kept safely until further orders, and to make inquisition what land Roger held of the king in chief of the said inheritance, and what he held of others, and by what service, and how much the land is worth yearly in all issues, and who is Sarah’s nearest heir.”

The disputed estate was not that of Roger Fitz-Osbert, but of Sarah, his first wife. And that estate was no back-door yard as witness:

“By virtue of which writ Walter returned an inquisition by which it is found that Roger at his death held by the courtesy of England of Sarah’s inheritance the manors of Cumbes and Helmyngham, co. Suffolk, and the manors of Hillington and Northcrek, co. Norfolk . . .”

From his returns I have assembled these figures, representing the estate before the division made on 10th November 1306:
Head-count is approximate; perches and pennies rounded-up

North Creak manor:

  • the chief messuage = 5 acres
  • 714 acres arable land
  • 34 acres meadow and pasture
  • 94 acres of heather
  • 44 acres of plain
  • a rabbit-warren
  • a windmill
  • the proceeds from a market on Tuesday and of a yearly fair at Michaelmass
  • the advowson of the church
  • rents from 29 free tenants yielding £3 16s 4d per annum plus their services
  • rent in the form of 10 capons yearly from the Binham priory and 3 other tenants
  • rents from 310 acres let out to 96 tenants yielding £5 12s per annum
  • 172 acres held by another 72 tenants on labour-terms alone.
  • 5 knights’ fees.

Hillington manor:

  •  the chief messuage = 2 acres and 5 perches
  • 234 acres, 2 roods and 26 perches of arable
  • 2 acres of meadow
  • 111 acres, 2 roods and 5 perches of pasture
  • rents of £1 3s 3d per annum from 17 free tenants
  • rents, unspecified, (with services) from another 3 tenants holding a total of 18 acres. If let out at the same rents as above, estimated income = 12s 9d.
  • 12 acres and 2 roods held by 2 tenants by labour alone
  • the advowson of the church

Combs manor:

  • the enclosed stew outside the gate [! a bathhouse, or a brothel?]
  • 254 acres, 3 rood and 18 perches of arable land
  • 34 acres, 1 rood and 30 perches of meadow
  • 23 acres 3 roods and 25 perches of pasture
  • 36 acres, 2 roods and 9 perches of wood
  • the mills of the manor
  • the fines, amercements, forfeitures and emends from the leet court
    the advowson of the church
  • £13 14s 7d of rent of assize received yearly from the free tenants
  • 21s of yearly scutage received at Michaelmass from 57 tenants – including the master of the hospital of St John at Battisford, the abbot of St Osyth and the prioress of Flixton
  • £7 16s 8d of rent from 114 tenants with their tenements, suits and offspring, customs and services rendering annually
  • a further 57 hens and 204 eggs

Helmingham manor:

  • 5 acres, 3 roods and 4 perches of the messuage
  • 170 acres, 22 roods of arable land
  • 10 acres, 1 rood of meadow
  • 6 acres, 2 roods, 28 perches of pasture
  • 22 acres, 35 perches of wood
  • a windmill
  • £2 7s 9d of rent of assize of 28 free tenants
  • £2 18s. 2d rent from 14 customary-tenants with their services
  • 12 knights’ fees

In a land where a man with acres sufficient to feed his family could count himself rich, the de Creke estate was wealth indeed.

Charged with investigating who was heir to this disputed estate Walter de Gloucestr[ia] returned with the following:

  1. Sarah, late wife of Roger Fitz-Osbert, was daughter of Sir Bartholomew de Creke (d 1252) and Margery, daughter and heiress of Geffrey de Anos.
  2. While Geoffrey de Anos, or Hanes, had brought to the Game Table the manors of Hillington, Uphall and Netherall in Norfolk, Sarah’s father, Sir Bartholomew de Creke, had been heir to the Glanville estate.

Sarah’s ancestral connections are best understood in graphic form.

William de Warenne, 2nd Earl of Surrey m Elizabeth de Vermandois
~ Gundred de Warenne m Roger de Beaumont, 2nd Earl of Warwick
~ ~ Countess Gundred de Beaumont (c.1135–1200) m 1stly Hugh Bigod, 1st Earl of Norfolk
~ ~ Countess Gundred de Beaumont m 2ndly Roger de Glanville (see below)

Bartholomew de Glanville* fl 1206 granted Combs manor to Sir Robert de Creke (see W A Copinger Manors of Suffolk Vol VI available online or as free download)

>~ ~ ~ Hervey de Glanville, son or grandson, unclear
~ ~ ~ ~ William de Glanville
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Agnes de Glanville m Sir Robert de Creke dbf 1232
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Sir Bartholomew de Creke d 1252 m Margery fl 1275, dau-heir/Geffrey de Anos
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Robert de Creke fl 1252 d w/o issue
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Geffrey de Creke d 1267 w/o issue
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ John de Creke d 1283 w/o issue
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Sarah de Creke dc 1292 m Roger FitzOsbert d 1305 

Gene chart gleaned from
North-Creak, Gallow and Brothercross Hundreds, volume 7, pp. 66-78

Note:
* Is this Bartholomew de Glanville fl 1206 the same alias Bartholomeus Anglicus, born before 1203, died 1272, There is no conflict of dates.

Bartholomeus Anglicus, a member of the Franciscan order, is best known for his De proprietatibus rerum (“On the Properties of Things”), an early form of encyclopedia dated to 1240. But apart from that, little is known of him. Of unknown parentage, he’s thought to have studied at Oxford University, later moving to Paris where he is attested as a teacher. He held several senior positions within the Church, and was appointed Bishop of Łuków, though not consecrated to that position.

We know little more of Roger de Glanville, other than he was a son of Gundred de Warenne and Roger de Beaumont, earl of Warwick.

Roger de Beaumont is described in the Gesta Regis Stephani, a contemporary chronicle, as “a man of gentle disposition”. A devout and pious man, he founded the Hospital of St Michael for lepers in Warwick, and St Kenned’s priory at Llangennilth, Co. Glamorgan. In this his son followed suit; he founded Bungay priory beside the river Waveney on the Norfolk-Suffolk border.

Born c1112 at Stratford, Suffolk, Chief Justiciar Ranulf de Glanvill was another of the de Glanville family. He too founded a leper hospital – at Somerton on the edge of the Norfolk Broads – and two Suffolk abbeys: Butley Abbey (for Black Canons) and Leiston Abbey (for White Canons). He married Bertha de Valoignes, daughter of Theobald de Valoignes who was lord of Parham, Suffolk. The de Valoignes claimed descent from Peter de Valognes, tenant-in-chief of manors scattered throughout East Anglia, and sheriff of Essex in 1086. It is the same de Valoins family we see in the disputed de Creke inheritance case.

William de Warenne, Earl of Surrey, was also a major East Anglian land-holder.

Isabel Jernegan and the de Creke Inheritance

But what has all this to do with Isabel and Sir Walter Jernegan?

Simply this: Sir Bartholomew de Creke died in 1252, his sons all dead before him. Sarah de Creke inherited all, and this had became the estate of Roger FitzOsbert, her husband. But now Roger was dead and as his sisters, his estate ought to come to Isabel and Alice, as per the much simplified gene chart, gleaned from the pages of Francis Blomefield’s History of Norfolk, supplement by W A Copinger’s 7 volumes of the Manors of Suffolk.

Osbert m Petronel or Parnel fl ca 1140
~ Roger FitzOsbert d 1239 m Maud/Agnes fl 1249
~ ~ Osbert
~ ~ ~ Peter FitzOsbert of Somerley Town d 1275 m Beatrix
~ ~ ~ ~ Roger FitzOsbert d 1305 m Sarah, dau/Bartholomew de Creke; m 2ndly Catherine d 1338
~ ~ ~ ~ Isabel FitzOsbert d 1311 m 1stly Sir Henry de Walpole; m 2ndly Sir Walter Jernegan dbf 1306
~ ~ ~ ~ Alice/Catharine FitzOsbert fl 1281 m Sir John Noion of Salle d 1325

Osbert son of Roger FitzOsbert is almost certainly fictitious, inserted to explain the surname of Peter FitzOsbert of Somerley town.

Roger FitzOsbert, our present subject, was also known as Roger Le Fitz-Osbert, and Roger Fitz Oubern. Though Osbert and Osbern were interchangeable, I’m curious of whence the ‘FitzOubern’ name; that sounds more like auburn, as in the hair colour, and the family first appears as neighbours of the power d’Aubigny family, earls of Arundel.

As found in ‘Eynford Hundred: Salle’, An Essay towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk: volume 8, pp. 269-276, the de Noion family was also given as de Negoun, de Nougon, de Nugun, de Nugoun, de Noioun and de Noiun; they gave their name to Nugoun’s Manor in said parish of Salle, which manor they’d held at least from the reign of King John (1199-1216).

Now if only half the Osbert’s estate was to come to Isabel and Sir Walter, that would provide a hefty oomph up that Game Ladder. Though, as already noted, by now Walter was dead. It would be his son, Sir Peter, who benefitted.

But Roger’s death had alerted the vultures. Questions were asked by those who wanted a share. Those questions must be answered. An inquest was called.

The Complex Path of the de Creke Inheritance

Walter de Gloucestr[ia] was tasked with discovering who had entitlement to the estate. He returned with a list of heirs given here as a gene chart.

Heir 1:
Agnes de Glanville m Sir Robert de Creke dbf 1232
~ Margery/Margaret de Creke fl 1274 m Sir John Fitz-Robert de Thorp

Heir 2:
Agnes de Glanville m Sir Robert de Creke dbf 1232
~ Isabella de Creke m Lord John Valoins
~ ~ Robert de Valoins of Hickling
~ ~ ~ Robert de Valoins
~ ~ ~ ~ Rosia de Valoins m Edward/Edmund de Pakenham

Heir 3:
Agnes de Glanville m Sir Robert de Creke dbf 1232
~ Isabella de Creke m Lord John Valoins
~ ~ Robert de Valoins of Hickling
~ ~ ~ Robert de Valoins
~ ~ ~ ~ Cecilia de Valoins m Sir Robert de Ufford

What! No Isabel?

Of course, Isabel was immediately at the king’s court. It is recorded in the same Close Roll where she is given as “Isabel de Walpole” from her previous marriage from which she’d been widowed. And not only Isabel put in her claim, but also Sir John Noion of Salle, husband of Alice FitzOsbert. They asserted ‘before king and council’ that since Roger died seised of the said manors of North Creak, Combs and Hillington, and they were his nearest heirs, those manors ought to descend by right of his death to them.

Neither were they the only claimants.

“Robert de Lyvermere came into the king’s court before him and his council at Westminster and asserted that an omission had been made of him in the inquisition and that he is a co-heir and parcener of the manors with the said John de Thorp, Roesia and Cecily . . .”

This Robert claimed that Bartholomew had a third sister named Maud, born of the same father and mother, and that as Maud’s (grand) son and heir he now demanded his share.

Seeing their inheritance about to diminish, John de Thorp, Roesia de Valoins and Edmund de Pakenham, and Cecily de Valoins and Robert de Ufford denied such a sister.

Isabel put her claim thus, having removed the archaic wording:

  1. Isabel was sister of Roger FitzOsbert and therefore his heir
  2. Roger FitzOsbert was husband of deceased Sarah de Creke and what had been hers on marriage became his
  3. Sarah de Creke had acquired the manors of North Creak and Combs from her mother, Margery de Creke, widow of Bartholomew; they thus were Roger’s
  4. Sarah de Creke had acquired the manor of Hillington from her father, Geoffrey de Anes or Hanes; it thus was Roger’s.
  5. The one fly was a certain Agnes, daughter of Geoffrey Godspere. Geoffrey Godspere of Beccles, or rather Jeffery Giltspur as he is elsewhere given, had married Agnes de Creke, sister to Bartholomew. But she had waived her claim to these manors in favour of Roger

Naturally, John de Thorp, Rosia de Valoins and Edmund de Pakenham, and Cecily de Valoins and Robert de Ufford contested the claim. While they agreed with the account of Margery’s inheritance, they said that she then had enfeoffed her son Robert with the manor of Combs, and her son Geoffrey with the manor of North Creak, while Sarah, before her marriage was given the manor of Hillington. No dispute there. But as the brothers died childless the manors were given first to the younger brother John, and only when he died did Sarah inherit. Then, they claimed, on Sarah’s death the brothers’ manors of Combs and North Creak ought to have returned to the heirs of Margery, and not be held by the heirs of Sarah. In other words, since Sarah’s death in 1292 her husband Roger and his second wife had wrongly held the manors.

To complicate matters, it then was shown, before king and council, that one Robert, son and heir of Warin de Insula (d’Lisle), tenant-in-chief though a minor in the king’s wardship, was really the right heir of these manors, since he too was kinsman and heir of Margery and Sarah – though I cannot find any mention of him to explain his relationship to the de Crekes.

The king’s head probably had worse indigestion than mine at this point. He ordered the sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk to form a jury of 24 knights of the county “by whom the truth in the premises may be best known and enquired”.

But for whatever reason, on the appointed day, though John de Thorp, Edmund de Pakeham and Robert de Ufford came in person and Rosia and Cecily de Valoins sent their attorneys, neither Robert de Lyvermere nor Isabel, wife of Sir Walter Jernegan, appeared. And though John de Nougon/Noion or other spelling came, yet he said nothing. The same with Robert d’Lisle who was represented by Benedict de Cantebr[igge].

Therefore their claims were dismissed.

Old Lady Isabel

One asks why Isabel did not pursue the matter. The answer might lie in this quote from William Betham’s The Baronetage of England:

“Isabella was widow of Sir Henry de Walpole, Knt, ancestor of late earls of Orford, and was endowed with third part of manor of Houghton in same county, as appears by a charter*. In said charter she is styled “the lady Isabella Jernegan, late wife of Sir Henry de Walpole, father of Sir Henry de Walpole”

*Rot.16 de Talley-Court, Plitae Jurris assis. Coram Willo de Ebor. Apud Bucks, 25 Henry III [1241] (not available online)

If Isabel was endowed by charter in 1241, in 1306 she must have been in her 70/80s. Though oddly this seems to be contradicted by the same William Betham. Fron his Baronetage of England, as already given:

“Sir Walter Jernegan must have died before 34 Edward I [1306] as his wife Isabella is described that year as a widow of 40 years age.”

But no, she was not a widow aged 40 years, but widowed these past 40 years. Since she is mentioned in 1306 in regard to the de Creke inheritance as Lady Isabel de Walpole, one assumes the 40 years widowed refers to her first husband, Sir Henry Walpole, and not to Sir Walter Jernegan whose year of death we do not know.

So an old lady in her 70/80s, Isabel did not pursue the claim. Perhaps she died. And the Jernegans lost out on the rich estate of Sarah FitzOsbert, nee de Creke.

Yet they were to inherit the estate of Roger FitzOsbert, formerly that of Sir Peter Osbert of Somerley Town – given time.

The Estate of Roger FitzOsbert 

In June 1306 the estate of Roger FitzOsbert, which included the manors of Somerleyton, Wathe (in North Cove) and Uggeshall in Suffolk, Haddescou (Hadeston, see below) and Whitlingham in Norfolk, was confirmed upon his widow, Katharine.

Katherine died 1338. The only reference I can find to this is in W A Copinger’s account of the manor of Uggeshall in his Manors of Suffolk Vol II pp 174-175; he cites I.P.M., 12 Edw. III. 15 (again, not available online).

With no heirs to her name, Katherine’s estate was divided between her late husband’s sisters Isabel and Alice. But by now Isabel was dead (died 1311), so too her husband. The portion destined for Isabel thus went to her son, Sir Peter Jernegan. It’s not known when Sir Peter died. As can be seen from the following gene chart tudorplace.com dates his death to 1346.

Sir Walter Jerningham m Isabel FitzRobert
~ Sir Peter Jerningham d 1346 m 1stly Matilda de Herling; m 2ndly Ellen Huntingfield
~ ~ Sir John Jerningham fl 1362 m Agatha Shelton

However, William Betham in his Baronetage of England says merely that Sir Peter “appears to have died at advanced age, towards the middle of the reign of Edward III [1327-1377], and was succeeded by his son.”

Certainly he was still alive January 1338 when the following notice appears:

“To the sheriff of Suffolk. Order to cause a coroner for that countyto be elected in place of Peter Gernegan, who is insufficiently qualified.”

From: ‘Close Rolls, Edward III: January 1338’, Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward III: volume 4: 1337-1339 (1900), pp. 225-236.

The other heir to the widow Katherine’s estate was Isabel’s cousin, Sir John Noion/Nougon of Salle. But he too was dead, succeeded by his son, also named John.

Thus it was Sir John Nougon, jnr, of Salle and Sir Peter Jernegan who inherited the much-desired estate of the FitzOsbert family. But what was that estate, and which of the heirs inherited which part of it?

Unfortunately the results of that inquest are not available online. And a trawl through Blomefield’s History of Norfolk and Copinger’s Manors of Suffolk proved equally fruitless. Roger FitzOsbert held x, y, and z manor but, apart from the five manors noted in the Close Roll of Edward I, no history beyond his death is given. The one exception is Carleton manor which was not included in the notice to the escheator on 1st June 1306.

Carleton Manor
This was the capital manor at Carleton Rode, Norfolk, there being originally five. It contained that part which the freeman Oslac had held of Roger Bigot in 1086. Perhaps the Osbert family were Oslac’s heirs; it is here they are first seen. Their manor also contained that part, assumingly adjacent, which had belonged to Costessey, i.e. of the honour of Richmond. This had been extended when Empress Maud gave it to Countess Gundred de Beaumont (c.1135–1200), then wife of Hugh Bigod, 1st Earl of Norfolk. It was no idling manor, already worth £10 per annum. The Countess then enfeoffed the whole to Osbert, and Petronel (or Parnel) his wife.

This manor passed from Osbert to his son Roger FitzOsbert, founder of St Olave’s priory in Herringfleet, Suffolk, circa 1216. It next passed to Roger’s son Peter FitzOsbert, he of Somerley Town. From Peter it passed to Roger FitzOsbert (the younger) on whose death it passed to Katherine his widow.

When Katherine died it seems her heirs, said John Nougon of Salle and Sir Peter Jernegan, settled the manor on one Sir Walter de Norwich, and his wife Catherine. Blomefield gives no indication of who this Sir Walter de Norwich might be, and I have found none, yet he had a son named Roger. One wonders the relationship there, perhaps Catherine was Sir Peter’s sister.

From: ‘Hundred of Depwade: Carleton-Rode’, An Essay towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk: volume 5, pp. 125-130.

So what of these others?

Uggeshall Manor
Here three manors are recorded in Domesday Survey but it seems that subsequently the manor of Hugh Bigod, earl of Norfolk and Suffolk, swallowed its neighbours. In 1239 this one was held by Peter FitzOsbert, and in 1275 by Roger FitzOsbert. At Roger’s death the manor passed to Katherine, his wife, for life. Upon her decease in 1338, it “devolved upon Isabella, eldest sister and coheir of the said Roger, and wife of Sir Walter Jernegan, of Stonham, Jernegan, Knt.”

The account goes on:

“. . . it is said in 1334 Sir Peter Jernegan sold this manor to Sir Edmund de Sortelee . . .”

But this date is several years adrift since Sir Peter didn’t inherit until Katherine died in 1338.

And what was the monetary value of this manor? Apparently £20 per annum, as disclosed in a notice in the Close Rolls of 1339 relating to the dower of Mary, late wife of Thomas, Earl of Norfolk.

From W A Copinger’s Manors of Suffolk, Vol II

Whitlingham
This is recorded in Domesday Book as held by Robert de Courson of Roger Bigot. According to Blomefield, his son William de Courson sold it to Osbert and Parnel his wife. It thereafter passed with the manor of Carleton, i.e. remained in the FitzOsbert family, until 1320 when it passed to Sir Peter Jernegan.

But again there must be an error of dates for Katherine didn’t die until 1338.

In 1342 Sir Peter ‘conveyed it’ to William Berte.

From: ‘Hundred of Henstede: Witlingham’, An Essay towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk: volume 5, pp. 455-457.

Somerley Town i.e. Somerleyton
According to W A Copinger the whole village was taken into the hands of William the Conqueror, who gave its stewardship to Roger Bigod, and Bigod in turn gave the manor to Baldwin, Abbot of St Edmundsbury, who in turn gave it to Frodo, his brother.

I don’t know whence his information. He cites Domesday Book. Yet in the Domesday Book the manor is held, as said, in stewardship by Bigod with no further sub-holdings. Elsewhere Frodo does indeed hold – in Suffolk he held of the king the manors of Thelnetham, Hessett, Worlingham, Tuddenham, Kentwell, Lavenham, and Buxhall; and of his brother Baldwin, Abbot of St Edmundsbury and former doctor to the late Edward Confessor, he held Somerton, Tostock, Gt Livermere, Troston and Mendham. But Somerton, not Someleyton. They are two distinct places. Somerleyton, consisting two parts, was held one by Bigod as said, and the other by Ralph the crossbowman.

But no matter its earlier history, by 1239 the manor was in the possession of Peter FitzOsbert upon whose death it passed “with the manor of Uggeshall”, i.e. it went to Roger FitzOsbert. Apparently in 1303 Roger and wife Katherine paid required fee to John Blome, escheator, to settle the manor upon themselves.

And here is the only mention I find of any child of Roger’s:

“. . . on Roger’s death without surviving issue (for Margaret his daughter died before him) the manor passed to his widow for life, and on her death in 1338, to his sister Isabella, wife of Sir Walter Jernegan, of Horham Jernegan . . .”

From W A Copinger’s Manors of Suffolk, Vol V

It would appear that the Jernegan’s were scooping the lot. Did Sir John not inherit anything?

Haddescou

“[Sir Walter] . . . was succeeded by his son, Sir Peter Jernegan of Somerley-Town, Knt, who on the death of his mother succeeded to the large possessions of the Fitz-Osbert family; for his maternal uncle, Roger baron Fitz-Osbert, dying without issue, the estates devolved to Isabella, his mother, and to the issue of Alice, her sister and co-heir, married to Sir John Noyoun, Knt, on a division made between the two sisters, the manor of Somerley-Town and Uggeshall, in Suffolk, and Hadeston and Wittingham in Norfolk, were settled upon Isabella . . .” [My italics]

From the Baronetage of England, Vol 1, by Rev William Betham, 1801

Yet according to the editor and translator of the Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward I, June 1306, “Hadeston and Wittingham” ought better to read as “Haddescoe, and Whitlingham”:

“To Walter de Glouc[estria], escheator this side Trent.

Order to deliver to Katharine, late the wife of Roger son of Peter son of Osbert, the manors of Somerleton, Wathe and Uggechale, co. Suffolk, Haddescou and Wyghtlyngham, co. Norfolk, which he has taken into the king’s hands by reason of Roger’s death, and to deliver to her the issues received thence, as the king learns by an inquisition taken by the escheator that Roger and Katharine jointly acquired the manors from John Blome . . . “

That Betham is right and the editor wrong is shown by another of the entries in the Close Rolls, this one found in Close Roll, Edward III: March 1339, volume 5: 1339-1341, pp. 24-40:

“. . . Order to assign to John de Segrave and Margaret his wife, eldest daughter and co-heir of Thomas earl of Norfolk, the following knights’ fees, which the king has assigned to them to hold as her purparty with the assent of Edward de Monte Acuto and Alice his wife, other daughter and heir to wit . . .”

Included in the accinpanying list of knights’ fees is this:

“a fee in Hadeston, in the same county [Norfolk], which the heirs of Robert son of Osbert hold, extended at 100s. yearly . . .” [100s = £5]

Moreover, when checking this against Blomefield’s account – ‘Clavering Hundred: Hadescoe’ (History of the County of Norfolk: volume 8, pp. 13-16) he gives no mention of Katharine, or of Roger, Peter or Osbert. And though Blomefield’s words might sometimes swell and entangle like wrack on the storm-tossed sea, yet his publication was tantamount to the bible of the day on the subject of manors and their descent through heirs and purchasers.

So where was Hadeston?

It is a manor within the parish of Bunwell, Norfolk.

Hadeston, Fitz-Osbert’s, Peter’s-Hall

“Peter’s, commonly called Perse-Hall [Pier’s Hall] manor in Bunwell, took its name from Peter Fitz-Osbert, its lord . . . Rob. de Curcun held it of Roger Bigot at the Conqueror’s survey . . . it passed with Carleton manor to Walter de Norwich . . .”

Blomefield’s account gives the impression that the manor never reached the hands of Roger’s widow Katherine. Yet the Close Roll says that it did. Therefore this must be read not that Sir Walter de Norwich inherited the manor, but that he rented it. The same was probably so regards Carleton manor, which sits comfortably close on the map.

From: ‘Hundred of Depwade: Bunwell’, An Essay towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk: volume 5, pp. 131-141.

Which leaves Wathe. Wathe manor lies in North Cove, Suffolk, which itself nestles into a loop of the river Waveney.

Manor of Wathe or Wade Hall or Woodhall
I am quoting the full passage here, for a reason.

“This manor was probably called after Robert Watheby, of Cumberland, who held it in the time of Hen. II [1154-1189]. From Robert de Watheby the manor passed to his son and heir Thorpine, whose daughter and coheir Maud married Sir Hugh or Hubert Fitz-Jernegan, of Horham Jernegan, Knt., and carried this manor into that family. He died in 1203, and the manor vested in his son and heir, Sir Hubert Jernegan. The King, however, granted the lordship of all his large possessions, and the marriage of his wife and children to Robert de Veteri Pont or Vipont, so that he married them without disparagement to their fortunes. From the death of Sir Hubert Jernegan about 1239 ‘the manor is said to have passed in the same course as the Manor of Horham Jernegan’s, in Hoxne Hundred, to the death of Sir John Jernegan in 1474, and is included in a fine levied in 1303 by John Polone [Blome] against Roger, son of Peter, son of Osbert and Katherine his wife.”

From W A Copinger, Manors of Suffolk, Vol VII

To clarify the line of descent given:

Robert Watheby of Cumberland fl 1154-1189
~ Thorpine de Watheby
~ ~ Maud de Watheby m Sir Hugh or Hubert Fitz-Jernegan d 1203
~ ~ ~ Sir Hubert Jernegan fl 1239 m Margery de Herling
~ ~ ~ ~ Sir Hugh Jernegan m Ellen Inglesthorpe
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Sir Walter Jernegan m Isabel FitzOsbert d 1311

The astute will see the contradictions, and indeed Copinger remarked upon it. If the Jernegans held the manor of Wathe in 1239, how came it to be in Roger FitzOsbert’s possession, to be again inherited at Katherine’s death?

That’s a question better explored it in the next post: Bryan Prince of Denmark

Sir John Jernegan Takes A Step Up

Sir Peter Jernegan was no doubt pleased with his inheritance, though by then it could not have been unexpected. Yet with no personal effort he had increased the family’s holdings. And within a generation those holdings were to increase again.

Alice/Catharine FitzOsbert m Sir John Noion of Salle d 1325
~ Sir John de Nougon d 1341 m Beatrice
~ ~ Sir John de Nougon d 1349
~ ~ ~ John de Nougon d 1362 aged 17

From: ‘Eynford Hundred: Salle’, An Essay towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk: volume 8, pp. 269-276.

“ . . . John . . . dying without issue in the 35th [of Edward III, i.e. 1362], John Jernegan was found his cousin, and heir to the Fitz-Osberts lands, being son of Peter, son of Walter, who married Isabel, the other sister and coheir of Roger Fitz Osbert . . .”

 When, circa 1260, Sir Walter Jernegan married Isabel FitzOsbert he could not have known that her brother would die without heirs. Then that the line of Isabel’s cousin John de Nougon would also fail, this at his grandson.

It thus mattered not a wit how the FitzOsbert estate was divided at Katherine’s death in 1338, for it all landed square in the hands of Sir John Jernegan. And I assume this is the reason that neither Blomefield nor Copinger cared to trace the descent through a mere 24 years.

With his marriage to Isabel, Sir Walter provided his family with a ‘cheat’, a fast doubling of land and step up the Ladder. Tenant-in-chief, a baron eligible for summons to parliament. It meant his heirs now could look to other barons for wives. It meant larger dowries. It meant, alas, larger dowers too, though those now could be provided. But without that marriage to Isabel:

  • Elizabeth Denton nee Jernegan, aunt of Sirs Edward and Richard Jerningham, would not have been Mistress of the Nursery to Prince Henry (Henry VIII) in 1496, and later governess to Princess Mary (Queen Mary I)
  • Lady Anne Grey, nee Jerningham, daughter of Sir Edward Jerningham, would not have accompanied Mary Tudor, King Henry VIII’s sister, when she married King Louis XII of France, and later Lady of the Privy Chamber to Queen Mary
  • Sir Richard Jerningham, uncle of Sir Henry, who started this backward exploration, would not have been Deputy and Treasurer of the City and Marches of Tournay, Knight of the Body and later ambassador to the French King.
  • Sir Edward Jerningham, father of Sir Henry, would not have been Chief Cup Bearer of the Queen’s Chamber at the coronation of Henry VIII.
  • Sir Henry Jerningham, (1509-1572) would not have been at the court of Henry VIII to be Master of Horse for Princess Mary, and subsequently:
    • Steward to the household of Princess Mary
    • Gentleman Pensioner at the court of Henry VIII
    • Constable of Gloucester castle
    • Steward of Tewkesbury hundred
    • Keeper of Greenwich manor and park, of Horn park and of Eltham Palace and park in Kent
    • Lord-Lieutenant of the County of Kent
    • Vice Chamberlain of the Household
    • Captain of the Guard and Master of the Horse

From history of parliament online

Queen Mary would not have granted Sir Henry the manor of Cossey, and I would have written my very first story, aged nine, The Green Lady.

The Gentry Game

The Snakes & Ladders Of The Medieval World
Prelude to Part 4 of the Jerningham Story

Throughout the Medieval period, and far into the Modern, the English upper classes played the Gentry Game. Its aim was threefold:

  1. to keep their patrimony intact (the land inherited from their ancestral fathers).
  2. to increase their estates.
  3. to climb the social ladder from Gentleman, whose unearned income ensured they kept their hands clean, to Knight, if only for the one life, to the higher nobility – Earls, Viscounts and Dukes – whose titles descended like genes with the blood.

As with any game there were ‘cheats’ available i.e. shortcuts. But there was also that lurking snake that would send the unwary rapidly back down to the earth where, as yeoman farmers, they must messy their hands.

The Rules – only one

  •  To present the image of honour

Present the image, because behind that façade hid all manner of deceit. Yet that deceit was the prime lurking snake for to be caught in dishonour ensured a rapid descent.

How To Play

  • Levels of Gentry

Gentleman, esquire, knight, baron, the terms are familiar, in part due to the dramatised versions of Jane Austen and the lives of the Tudors. Yet the various ranks of the English Peerage and Landed Gentry can cause confusion, particularly since their usage has evolved over the centuries. So, to clarify matters, here is the Ladder.

Gentry
often given as ‘landed gentry’

Apart from the upper levels of the clergy, who are a case apart, this generally denotes people who had no need to work, their landed estates being sufficiently large to provide an income in the form of rents. However, there was a rider to that: they ought also to be well-born families of long descent. All Gentry, with or without title, are deemed ‘Upper Class’.

Gentleman
generally regarded as the lowest rank of the English gentry

Regardless of actual family origin, the younger sons of the younger sons of peers, knights, and esquires were grouped together as Gentlemen. At such a remove their inherited estates might be pitifully small, formed from ‘acquired lands’ (more anon). But if it provided an income without bending the back, Gentlemen they remained. Yet, let them once dirty their hands by turning the soil and down they must go – now yeomen and out of the Game. Yeoman is a late (Tudor) term.

Esquire

Despite it’s now a general form of address for any untitled man, when first applied in late 14th century it still retained its feudal sense as an apprentice knight. Thus to be a mesne lord, i.e. lord of a manor, was, per course, to be an esquire.

The Tudors, obsessed with rank and order, applied it specifically to
~ the eldest sons of knights, and their eldest sons in perpetuity
~ the eldest sons of younger sons of peers, and their eldest sons in perpetuity

The Tudor monarchs also bestowed the title as honorific to all attendants upon their own person. It also was granted to those holding the sovereign’s commission of military rank captain and above. Thus we find the title bestowed by Henry VIII upon the Jerningham brothers, Sir Edward and Sir Richard, as Esquires of the Body.

Knight

This was not an hereditary title but was granted, usually by the king, though also by one’s liege lord, for services to Crown and/or country, usually military.

The knight at this period was still a mounted warrior and expected to fight alongside the upper nobility. The Edwardian reigns (1272-1377), three generations of English kings each with an interest in all things Arthurian, saw an increase in the orders of knighthood and accompanying codes of chivalry. The knight was the lowest of the titled nobility.

Hereditary Knight

Relevant only to Continental Players. In England, from 1611, its place was taken by the baronet.

Baron and Baroness

Lowest of the hereditary titles, it originally denoted a tenant-in-chief, i.e. one who held land – by military service – direct of the king. As such, a baron was obliged to attend the Great Council, the advisory body to the king. By 13th century this Council had developed into a recognisable parliament to which the barons were ‘summoned’. Parliament subsequently divided into the Houses of Lords (where sat the barons) and the House of Commons (where sat the elected gentry, 2 knights per shire).

Viscount and Viscountess
The title was borrowed from Old French which in turn derives from Medieval Latin. It translates as ‘Deputy to the Count’.

Not used in England until 1440. Previous to this the viscount’s administrative duties were performed by the sheriff, one of the most ancient of English ranks. Initially the title of Viscount was not hereditary but was awarded for a specific cause.

Earl and Countess

Oldest of the English hereditary titles. Akin to the Scandinavian ‘jarl’, that is, a chieftain set to rule a region in the king’s stead. From the 10th century it replaced the Anglo-Saxon ‘ealdorman’, used to denote a noble who governed an earldom on the king’s behalf.

By the time William conquered and quartered (1066) the land and the English, earl had become the equivalent of the European duke. But with King William came a change to the administrative structure of England, effecting a change to the earl’s role. No longer did he govern a region, but now only a lowly shire. This demotion provided a contributory cause to Ralph de Gael’s rebellion of 1075. His father, Ralph the Staller, had been Earl of East Anglia, but all he’d been given were the two counties of Norfolk and Suffolk. Michael de la Pole, created earl in 1385, had an even more reduced area, that of Suffolk alone.

Since the English shire equates to the continental county, the position of earl had became more akin to that of a count. Hence the female title countess, and not the more logical earl-ess. And since there are more shires than there are regions, more earls could be created as reward for exceptional loyalty. But then to curb their power, they were reduced to quasi-sheriffs and given then sheriff’s administrative duties. Meanwhile the sheriff (shire reeve), annually appointed became more akin to Chief of Police. Thus, while by 13th century the earl in status was second only to the king and his princes, he had no more power and wealth than many of his best barons.

Marquess and Marchioness

In origin, this hereditary title was applied to a noble who held the march lands, i.e. on the borders between countries. It was very much a military position, his duty to be the first line of defence. It equates with the German margrave.

The first English marquessate to be created was that of Dublin in 1385, given to Robert de Vere, 9th Earl of Oxford. He was later created duke of Ireland by Richard II which caused a winter of discontent. The marquessates of Dorset and Somerset followed in 1397.

Duke and Duchess

An hereditary title of the highest nobility, introduced in England by Edward III for his eldest son, Edward the Black Prince, created Duke of Cornwall in 1337. The dukes of Lancaster and Clarence (from Co. Clare in Ireland) were created shortly after.

In the following century and a half the Plantagenet kings created 16 ducal titles (Cornwall, Lancaster, Clarence, Gloucester, York, Ireland, Hereford, Aumale, Exeter, Surrey, Norfolk, Bedford, Somerset, Buckingham, Warwick and Suffolk) though only four remained after the Battle of Bosworth Field in 1485, those of Norfolk, Suffolk, Lancaster and Cornwall. More have since been created.

  • The Game Board

To win the Gentry Game the Player must climb the above defined Ladder. But in order to climb the Player must first acquire and accumulate the smallest divisions of the Game Board. We’ll call them squares although they seldom were.

But first a word about moveable wealth

While in probate terms, the deceased’s estate includes both real estate and moveable assets, in the Gentry Game the latter did not count. In fact, it was better not to have too much of the latter since to fund the never-ending wars a tax was applied upon that very same wealth. So the more one had of gold plate and fancy furs, the more tax one paid. Since one could not enjoy it to the full, one best had invest it in something more lasting – in land.

The Land and its Divisions

Celts
Long, long ago, in the days when a warrior’s sword was pulled from a stone (actually two stones, bronze being an alloy of copper and tin) the people we’d one day identify as Celts made a start on dividing the land we now know as Britain. They divided it into chiefdoms, the boundaries providing a fence over which to fight. Within the chiefdom the farmers divided the land again – into fields and pastures, now called farms.

And so it remained for a thousand years, the fought-over borders being proclaimed in stone.

Roman
Then from the south, across the Channel, arrived the conniving forces of Rome. Conniving because they came offering friendship and equal status yet as soon as that generation was dead they turned and bared their dominant teeth. But they did little to change the land divisions. They accepted the lines marked by the Celtic chieftains and marked out their estates where the Celtic farmers had marked theirs. These estates they leased to investors ‘to farm’ on behalf of the empire.

Four centuries later, exit the Romans, enter the Saxons, Jutes and Angles.

Anglo-Saxon
Finding established boundaries, they left the estates mostly as was. As with the Celts before them, the larger estates became very small kingdoms, not even petty, more like chiefdoms. And as with the Celts before them, these petty kings waged war over the boundaries and in no time at all, a handful of the more belligerent and ambitious, aided and abetted by their gods, had conquered their neighbours and gathered their lands – though they allowed the defeated former petty dynasty to remain in situ and administer what had been their land.

Thus England, once divided, was again united – at least into the seven kingdoms latterly known as the Heptarchy: Northumbria, Mercia, East Anglia, Essex, Kent, Wessex and Sussex.

Vikings
Though the Vikings subjected these kingdoms to rapine and terror, yet they were the impetus to further union. King Alfred of Wessex taking the lead, the kingdoms united in common defence. Yet they could not defeat the invaders entirely and Alfred was forced to concede East Anglia, east Mercia and Northumbria to the Danes, as the Danelaw.

Shires and Ridings, Hundreds and Wapentakes

To aid in defence against the Vikings, Alfred and his sons divided the English half of England into shires. The shires mostly followed the previous borders. Within the shires the land was further divided into hundreds. The hundreds comprised many manors, all anciently bounded. They once had been the Celtic farmer’s farm.

The Danelaw too was divided, but first into multiples of 3 known as Ridings. These remain in both Lindsey (part of Lincolnshire) and Yorkshire but in Norfolk and Suffolk, having been nominally reclaimed by Alfred’s sons soon after the Danelaw’s formation, there now is no sign of them. The ridings were further divided into wapentakes, called hundreds in Norfolk and Suffolk for the same Alfredian reason. In Norfolk, and probably repeated throughout Danelaw, the hundreds or wapentakes were further divided into leets, four per hundred (founded on personal research).This means of land division fitted neatly with Norse ideology. But while the hundreds might follow pre-existing borders, as far as is known those of the leets do not. By the time of the Domesday Survey those leets had been further divided to manors.

Note: despite we now have Yorkshire and Lincolnshire, the lands of the former Danelaw were not part of the shires and to this day Norfolk and Suffolk remain named as counties.

Village, Town, Manors and Parish

Manor

At its most basic a manor is an area of land managed as a unit. It is the home of the mesne lord, i.e. Lord of the Manor. In the Domesday Book it is also called vill or township. Here township should not be confused with a town, i.e. a hub of commercial and residential activity.

Village
these come in two types: the evolved and the created.

The evolved village dates probably to early Anglo-Saxon times, being a loose cluster of houses, each house with an half acre or so of land attached. It is a typical Germanic structure best known as a hamlet. Beyond the individually-held ‘yards’ were the communal-held fields. These were worked on a strict rotation, so as the years progressed each family worked soil both good and bad. Found in the Domesday Book populated (almost exclusively) by freemen.

The created village, however, first appeared waaaaay back, probably even before the Neolithic. (See Skara Brae). They are evidenced in Bronze Age; in Iron Age they sit upon every low and high hill. They are a natural expression of we humans, who likes and needs our neighbours’ company. But a new type developed in England under Roman rule – the clustered houses of estate workers. These continued to function through the Dark Ages, into the Anglo-Saxon times and on to the Norman and Plantagenet and . . . on. In the Domesday Book they are populated with ‘villagers’, manorial workers.

Normans
From the day when William trounced the English, no one but the King of England was allowed to own land. (Though this has now changed, it was slow in coming.) Everyone, from duke to peasant, was a tenant.

In the aftermath of 1066 William divided England into manageable portions and awarded them to his loyal followers. This might give the impression that every acre of land changed hands. It did not. What the Church had held TRE (in the Time of King Edward), the Church held still TRW (in the Time of King William). Mostly. But now they held it of him. Personally. In return for x-number of knights when called upon to supply.

For the most part King William took as his basic unit the manor, or vill. And in the process of dividing and allotting he kept huge chunks to himself. He kept most, but not all, of the land previously in Edward Confessor’s hands. He kept most, but not all, of the land made forfeit by rebels – and the 20 years between 1066 and Domesday had witnessed more than the occasional uprising. He kept most, but not all, of the lands surrendered by English thegns when fleeing the new regime (many went East, seeking asylum in the Scandinavian, Germanic and Slavic countries). Ditto of those lands surrendered by the few French, Flemish and Breton lords who soon discovered, by holding estates in both countries they now had a conflict of interests.

Tenants-in-Chief – the Barons

William honoured his followers with grants of the newly acquired English lands. Whether Norman, French, Flemish, Breton or Spanish, whether duke, count, knight or something more humble, all were tenants-in-chief. And tenants-in-chief, as noted above, were barons.

Mesne Lords

Though the honour of most barons were restricted to manors in 3-5 shires (or counties, see note above) for a handful of men – the magnates who served as the king’s advisers; earls for the most part – held manors in every English quarter. But no man could manage such vast holdings alone. So like the king, the magnates particularly (but lesser lords too) divided their lands and awarded them to their own loyal followers. Some – those kin to the magnates: his younger brothers, his cousins, his illegitimate sons – might be awarded such swathes of land that they too found it convenient to divide and sublet. These tenants were known as mesne lords.

The Basic Building Block Of The Gentry Game

While it was the manor that provided the oomph up the Ladder, the manor was not to be used in the Game Plan. Remember, the patrimony must remain intact.

Acquired lands

Remember, too, that it was best not to hoard moveable wealth; it was best to invest it in land. But there were times when the mesne lord was in need of funds to buy a new suit of armour, or to pay for his son’s education and his daughter’s wedding. Then he had no options but to sell. But never his manor. Just a few acres, a field or a meadow. He’d be most loath to do even that since the ongoing income from leasing out fields was what kept his hands from getting muddy. But time comes when needs must. And he’d always find an eager buyer because, as noted, no one wanted to hoard moveable wealth.

So, the mesne lord – the Player on the starting rung of the Game – would buy acres to be rid of his taxable wealth (seldom a manor at this stage of the Game) and sell them again when he had need of the funds. In such a way, if he was a wily player, he’d begin to accumulate a number of small ‘squares’ on his Game Board. His intent was to buy these ‘squares’ within easy travel of his manor. Though once bought he’d lease them, who wants to travel across country to collect the rents.

Marriage
a sub-game:

Having acquired a few acres the Player could now move to the next stage of the Game. Marriage. Without at least one foray per generation into this ‘sub-game’ there’d no heirs to which the patrimony could pass – intact or otherwise. But in the Marriage Game lurked a couple of snakes. Called Dowry and Dower.

Dowry and Dower
Now a) interchangeable; b) muddled and confused
Yet in the prime days of the Gentry Game they were marked
by distinct and vital differences.

Dowry
This encompassed anything brought to the marriage by the bride. It could include the silver spoons that now have become a family heirloom. It did include land – depending upon level of play, anything from a few acres to a few manors.

We of modern minds object: Has the bride no worth of her own, that her value must be bolstered by that of the land? But we miss the point. From her family’s perspective, the land portion of her dowry was to ensure her survival, no matter what a wastrel or traitor her husband turned out to be.

And for every acre brought by the bride, the husband was expected to equal it. As dower.

Dower
Dower was the land the husband’s family settled upon the bride. By law it had to be a third of the husband’s holding – at time of marriage. This too was to ensure her survival no matter what happened to the husband and his land. He might be beheaded, his lands forfeit, not a penny or a mark left for her and the children – but at least she still had her dowry and dower land.

This dower land was hers to do with as she wished. She could gift it to the Church to pay for perpetual prayers for her parents. Or she could use it as dowry for her daughters. She might grant it to her younger sons, those Gentlemen who’d not inherit the main portion of land. It was hers. Of course, she could also combine it with her husband’s estate, the entirety then to be held by them both in jointure. Her choice.

Since one of the aims of the Gentry Game was to pass on the patrimony (inherited land) intact, the land acquired by tax evasion (invested wealth) was the ideal means of providing the dowry required for the daughter and the dower required for daughter-in-law.

The Heiress
the cheat

While younger sons might hope to inherit the mother’s acres, the eldest son surviving at his father’s death would inherit his father’s full landed wealth. If no sons survived then it would be shared between his daughters. And if no daughters survived, then it would be shared between the deceased’s brothers. And if the deceased’s brothers were also dead, then it would be passed to their sons. If they had no sons then it would go to the deceased’s sisters. &c, &c, &c down through the gene-chart, which was why genealogy was so important. It was not a curiosity of one’s forebears.

To find a bride without brothers was to be doubly blessed. She was an heiress! Which meant when her father died his entire estate would pass to her husband. The land then would be added to his own and passed to his eldest surviving son. Estate expansion achieved in one easy ‘I do’. This was a major gain in the Game.

But the heiress might bring with her yet other blessings – the family’s inheritable titles.

If her father was a baron, holding land of the Crown, then so too would her husband become. If her father held an inheritable title – viscount, earl, marquess – that too would be passed to him. In the Gentry Game  to marry the heiress was like playing a ‘cheat’. Though it wasn’t always possible at the time of marriage to know that’s what the bride was to become.

While generally the son & heir was married late in life – ‘Let’s hold onto that dower land as long as possible; we need the income’ – a daughter might be married obscenely young. She had no other economic value so why hold onto her – ‘Costing us money with her demands for a social whirl, fancy foods and posh frocks’. Thus she might have five older brothers when she weds, with no hint of her ever becoming an heiress. And one does not kill one’s in-laws for the sake of a title and land. Well, not and get caught, that would be just too dishonourable, a guaranteed slide down the snake.

To Repeat . . .

In dodging the taxes by investing wealth thus acquiring acres, the Game Player had the wherewithal to provide dower for daughter-in-laws and dowry for daughters, thus helping to provide the essential heir for the passing intact of the Player’s patrimony.

The daughters, like ludo counters, carried landed wealth from father to son-in-law.

The ultimate catch, i.e. the cheat, was the heiress. Not only did she double the family’s estate but she also might be the bearer of the much desired titles. But a bride only became an heiress upon the death of her brothers, and the father might remarry, late..

So when Sir Walter Jernegan married Isabella, daughter of Sir Peter Fitz-Osbert of Somerley Town, Suffolk. he hadn’t a notion of what a catch he had found. Indeed, the full import was not to be realised for another two generations.

Sir Walter Jernegan m Isabel FitzOsbert
~ Sir Peter Jernegan
~ ~ Sir John Jernegan
As given by William Betham’s Baronetage of England

__________________________________________

The next post, Lady Isabel and the Jernegan Lords, follows the intricacies of the FitzOsbert inheritance

My Lady Mary

Third in the series of posts to explore the ancestors of the Tudor courtier Sir Henry Jerningham.

Sir Henry Jerningham, 1509-1572

  • Steward to the household of Princess Mary
  • Gentleman Pensioner at the court of Henry VIII during 1540s, as such attending the main state occasions
  • Constable of Gloucester castle
  • Steward of Tewkesbury hundred
  • Keeper of Greenwich manor and park, of Horn park and of Eltham Palace and park in Kent
  • Lord-Lieutenant of the County of Kent
  • Vice Chamberlain of the Household
  • Captain of the Guard
  • Master of the Horse.

According to the history of parliament online Sir Henry Jerningham

“. . . seems to have owed his early advancement, first in the service of Princess Mary and then at court, to his stepfather, Sir William Kingston, who married Jerningham to one of his granddaughters.”

I would disagree with that opinion. The Jerningham family were landed gentry and as such did not idle their fingers upon their country estates awaiting history’s events.

  • In 1509, on the occasion of the funeral of Henry VII, Edward Jerningham, Sir Henry’s father, is listed amongst the Gentlemen-ushers for “Th’entierment of the moost excellent prynce King Henry the vijth”.
  • The same year, for Henry VIII’s coronation, Sir Edward was appointed chief cup-bearer in the Queen’s chamber. It would appear he was by then married to his second wife, Mary Scrope, for she is listed as “Mrs. Mary Jernyngham” with Lady Elizabeth Stafford and seven other ladies and gentlewomen.
  • Sir Edward Jerningham had previously appeared amongst those to be pardoned at the beginning of a new reign: “Edward Jarnegan or Jernegan, of Somerleyton, Suff., esq., gentleman usher of the Chamber, s. and h. of John J., knight, 26 May 1509.”
  • Also in 1509 Sir Richard Jerningham, Sir Edward’s brother (and Sir Henry’s uncle), is listed as a gentleman of the Chamber
  • The following year he was admitted to the King’s Spear, (the king’s personal bodyguard)
  • In 1512 Sir Richard was made ‘Esquire for the Body’, with an annuity of 50 marks per year for life
  • In 1513 (Sept) he was made a knight at Tournay.
  • He remained at Tournay to serve as captain of the Guard and in 1516 was appointed Treasurer of Tournay.
  • In March 1517 he was appointed deputy of said city of Tournay and the marches.
  • After being relieved of the charge of Tournay (it was given over to the French) in June 1520 he was a Knight of the King’s Chamber at the Field of the Cloth of Gold  – he was nearly unhorsed at the jousts!
  • His career continued, now appointed ambassador to the French king, alongside Sir Richard Wingfield, though he soon took Wingfield’s place as resident.
  • In October 1521, Louise of Savoy, mother of Francis I, king of France, wrote to Henry VIII:

“Should be omitting a duty not to tell you of the [good service] done by Ger[ningham], with which the King your brother is very well pleased. It would be impossible to describe the sense, virtue and good management I have always found in him.”

  • In December 1521, Sir Richard was cupbearer, appointed “to serve the King in his privy chamber, dining chamber or elsewhere” along with Sir William Kingston, who was appointed carver.
  • In April 1522 he was appointed one of the chamberlains of the receipt of the Exchequer; the grant of manors followed.
  • In 1523 he is listed as “Treasurer of the Wars”, in receipt of sums as wages for the ‘army beyond the sea’ (in France)
  • That same year he was commissioned (with Richard Sampson, better known for composing sacred songs) “to treat with the Emperor (Charles V of Spain, Holy Roman Emperor) respecting the war against France”. More grants of more manors followed. And a wife.
  • In December 1523 Sir Richard Jerningham, uncle to Sir Henry, was appointed vice-chamberlain.
  • The reports, letters and grants continue in like manner:
  • “The King is strongly urged to make use of the opportunity to invade France, which. . .  he intends to do, and is getting ready lymoners and carriages, retaining lanceknights, &c.; for which reason Sir Richard Jerningham is despatched to the Lady Margaret, with orders to demand the 3,000 horsemen and 1,000 foot of the Emperor’s to join the King’s army”
    Dated September 1524. Lady Margaret is Margaret of Savoy with whom he was liaising.
  • Sir Richard died the following year, March 1525.

Such a career could not fail to influence the king’s regard of Richard’s young nephew, Sir Henry Jerningham.

Sir Henry’s half-brother Sir Robert Jerningham also made for himself a name.

  • Famed for his valour, says Rev William Betham in The Baronetage of England, he was knighted by the duke of Suffolk after the taking of Montdidier in France in 1524 when Sir Henry was yet a boy.
  • He greatly distinguished himself in the wars in Italy.” Betham accords him ‘Gentleman of the Bedchamber’ to both King Henry and Francis, with command of 200 horse.
  • Sir Robert Jerningham died shortly after the Siege of Naples, in 1528

Neither were the Jerningham ladies anonymous shrinking violets.

  • In 1537 Sir Henry’s sister Elizabeth Jerningham became a maid of honour to Queen Jane Seymour, having previously served as waiting gentlewoman to Jane Seymour’s sister-in-law, Anne Stanhope, Lady Beauchamp.
  • Sir Henry’s half-sister Anne Jerningham had already served at court, listed in May 1511 as in receipt of a half-year’s wages (100s = £5)
  • In Oct 1514 she is recorded as one of the ‘chamberers’ of Mary Tudor, Henry VIII’s sister, when Mary married Louis XII, king of France.
  • Anne Jerningham remained in Mary Tudor’s service to accompany Mary and her second husband Charles Brandon back to England
  • In 1520 Anne was present at the Field of the Cloth of Gold though by now listed as Lady Anne Grey (while in France, Anne she married Sir Edward Grey, eldest son of Thomas Grey, first Marquis of Dorset; she retained the name of Lady Anne Grey through her several subsequent marriages).
  • In 1555 another Anne Jerningham, this one being Sir Henry’s niece, was a gentlewoman of the privy chamber to Queen Mary.

Taken fromLetters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII,
21 Volumes’. Unless otherwise stated.

Also amongst the many mentions of the Jerningham name in the above source are a quantity referring to an unspecified “Mrs Jerningham”.

  • 1519: (Oct) My lady Gray and Maistres Jerningham’s servants. (My Lady Gray would be Anne Jerningham, but who is the other?)
  • 1520: (Mar) Gentlewoman Jerningham to attend upon the queen at the Field of the Cloth of Gold. (Again, Lady Anne Gray is separately listed)
  • 1527: (March) Wages paid to Mrs. Jerningham as “person belonging to King’s chamber”
  • 1532: In receipt of gold plate (king’s gift) Mrs. Jernegan, “per Canc'”. (Again Lady Anne Gray is separately listed)
  • 1533: (June) “Henry Chauncy to Sir Arthur Plantagenet . . . This Lent you might get a “vowche” of Mrs. Jerningham, or of her sister, Mrs. Brews . . . “ (refers to a communication of 1523)
  • 1537: (Jan) There is mention of the recent marriage of Mrs. Jarnygham”
  • 1537: (Nov) “Mrs. Jernyngham is to follow (on horse) the 3rd carriage at the funeral of Queen Jane Seymour”
  • 1538/39: (Aug) “Mr Richard, at Lewes, paid Mrs. Jernyngham £7 10s,” listed in the king’s accounts
  • 1539: (Dec) “lady Mary, by Jerningham, New Year’s gift, £11 5s” listed in the king’s accounts
  • 1539/40: (Nov) “Mrs. Jernyngham, 50 m[arks],” listed in the king’s accounts

I came upon the identity of one of these without the looking, though I cannot distinguish which record refers to her. Mary Kemp of Gissing in Norfolk was wife to Thomas Jerningham, another of Sir Henry’s half-brothers. And Mary’s sister Elizabeth Kemp was Lady of the Bedchamber to Queen Catherine in 1523.

And then, also, there are these:

  • 1536: (June) Frances Jerningham is listed amongst persons appointed to attend Princes Mary
  • 1536: (June) (in the same document) the gentlewoman Frances Baynan is to attend upon Princess Mary
  • 1543: (March) Sir Ant. Kyngeston. Licence to alienate the manor of Morton Valence . . . to be regranted to the said Sir Anthony for life after the death of the said Mary [Jerningham-Kingston see Scrope], with remainder to Frances wife of Henry Jernyngham
  • 1546: (Nov) Hen. Jernyngham and wife Frances, grant of a field and barn in Totenham parish to one Edward Pate.

Mary and Frances Baynham

In 1555 the Catholic Queen Mary I of England granted to Sir Henry Jerningham the manor of Costessey as reward for his support in bringing her to the throne in the face of the Protestant opposition. But Queen Mary died three years later, and without an heir the throne went to her half-sister, the Protestant Elizabeth I. After the five years of Mary’s fierce scourge against Protestants, the Catholics must have expected the same to be served upon them. But Elizabeth was not as fanatical. Though this still was no time to swim against the tide.

Local historian E G Gage in his account of Costessey Hall (1991) describes the Elizabethan years as they affected the Catholic Jerninghams:

“The Jernegans of Roman Catholic faith were not too hardly pressed at the beginning of Elizabeth’s reign, but court circles were henceforth no place for them. They would not take the Oath of Allegiance to the Queen as supreme spiritual causes, although they were as loyal to her as they were to Queen Mary . . . The celebration of the Mass was once more abolished and Roman Catholics had to endure very difficult times . . .

“. . . During these early years of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the building of the new Tudor hall in Costessey Park went on uninterrupted, but Sir Jernegan was, by now, very mindful of the risks involved in openly celebrating the forbidden Mass. He lessened this risk by constructing a secret chapel in the attic of the south wing . . . This chapel was so cunningly contrived that, at very short notice, altar, pulpit and pews could quickly be transformed to represent ordinary articles of bedroom furniture. During the penal times, this secret chapel served as a Mass House for all the surrounding country . . .

“. . . . It is more than probable that Queen Elizabeth visited Costessey Hall as guest of Sir Henry, as he was still very loyal to her. However, he would have been very alert to the danger of the secret chapel.

“Sir Henry died in 1571, but on the 20th August 1578, Queen Elizabeth again visited Costessey Hall during her East Anglian Progress. The widow Lady Mary Jerningham, received the Queen and it seems that all went well as neither she, nor any members of her family, appeared in the next list of those to be charged as recusants. Also at the hall to receive the Queen was Lady Mary’s son, Mr Henry Jernegan of Wingfield Castle, Suffolk, as well as other Roman Catholic nobility, all of whom escaped having their names listed as recusants.”

This rather long quote shows not only the constant strain of the Catholic’s life under Protestant rule, but also places in context Gage’s reference to Lady Mary Jerningham as wife of Sir Henry.

Even without reference to the genealogical chart which he provides as an appendix, wherein this Mary is given as daughter of Sir George Baynham, it is clear that this Mary Jerningham is the wife of the same Sir Henry who was granted the manor. This needs to be stressed since a later Sir Henry (2nd Baronet, d 1640) also married a Mary, given as daughter of Benedict Hall, Gloucestershire.

The quote also rules out that this Lady Mary Jerningham was intended as Mary Scrope, second wife of Sir Edward Jerningham, and mother of our Sir Henry. Apart from anything else, Mary nee Scrope died in 1548, before Sir Henry ever was granted the manor (see tudorplace.com/scrope page).

Gage presents material not found in Francis Blomefield’s History of the County of Norfolk; he draws upon the Jerningham Papers, then held at the Norfolk Record Office, now removed to Stafford. Yet for the most part their narratives match. So what does Blomefield say of Sir Henry’s wife, remembering that he too had access to “certain family papers”?

From Francis Blomefield’s ‘Hundred of Forehoe: Cossey’, An Essay towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk: volume 2 (1805), pp. 406-419.

“Sir Henry Jernegan of Huntingfield in Suffolk, eldest son and heir of Sir Edward by his second wife, he was a favourite of Queen Mary, being the first that appeared openly for her, after the death of Edward VI. being with her at Kenninghall place or castle; (fn. 52) and continued her trusty friend, for which services she made him Vice-Chamberlain, and Master of her Household; and in 1547, the said Queen, and King Philip her husband, gave him this manor of Cossey, with the whole park and deer therein, with all its members, rights, privileges, and appurtenances in Cossey, Erlham, Bowthorp, Easton . . . &c. in the said county, to be held by him and his heirs in capite, by knight’s service: (fn. 53) from which time it hath passed in a lineal descent, in this ancient family. He married Mary, daughter of Sir George Baynham, Knt. and died in 1571, leaving the Lady Jernegan, his wife, the estate for life, who this year was found to be possessed of it . . .”

Leaving aside his error of dates (Mary was not queen until 1553; the manor was granted in 1555) he agrees with Gage, that Sir Henry Jerningham married Mary, daughter of Sir George Baynham, Knt. But oddly, while Blomefield is generally meticulous in providing references, he here provides none.

These two accounts were my first encounter with the Jerningham history. So I was somewhat perplexed when during my research I came upon the evidence on tudorplace.com, that Sir Henry Jerningham married Frances, not Mary, daughter of Sir George Baynham. Though the content and scope of the tudorplace site is praiseworthy, a tremendous amount of work for the author, and a list of sources worthy of any good reference library, yet the author does not provide individual citations. However, the site provide this:

Edward Jerningham m 2ndly Mary Scrope of Bolton
~ Sir Henry Jerningham of Cotesby Hall d 1572 m Francis Baynham d 1583

  •  Francis Baynham
  • Born around 1526 in Newland, Gloucestershire
  • Daughter of George Baynham (Sir Knight)

In the brief biography included for Frances, the question of her parents’ identity is raised, though this only on the grounds that born around 1526, she would be very young to serve at court in 1536. But 1526 is not a confirmed date. Besides, it would be usual for a courtier’s daughter to be young when introduced at court.

This tudorplace version is probably sourced from Rev. William Betham’s The Baronetage of England (1801):

“He married Frances, daughter of Sir George Baynham of Cloriwell, Gloucestershire, and heir to her maternal uncle, Sir Anthony Kingston.”

But, as with Cage and Bloomfield, Rev. Betham provides no reference for his source, though elsewhere he cites both ‘Cossey Evid.’ and an unspecified Blomefield MSS (publication date for Blomefield’s History, given as ‘from 1805’; there are 11 volumes, is later than Betham’s Baronetage).

At this point, I went in search of the Baynham family of Gloucestershire. I wanted to know what was the name of Sir George’s daughter, whether it was Mary or Frances. I hoped there might lie the answer.

Frances Baynham

From 1528 to 1546, George Baynham (not yet sir) was the constable-warden of the Forest of Dean. Prior to 1438 the constable-wardens had farmed the estate which included St Briavels castle and manor, Newland manor, and most of the profits of the Forest. Now they received an annual fee paid out of the estate.

From: A History of the County of Gloucester: Volume 5: Bledisloe Hundred, St. Briavels Hundred, The Forest of Dean. ‘Wardens of the Forest and Constables of St. Briavels’.

George Baynham wasn’t the first of the family to hold that position. In 1478 it had been held by Thomas Baynham; 1485-1495 by Alexander Baynham; and from 1522 to his death in 1540, by Sir William Kingston – who, Rev Betham tells us in his Baronetage of England, was the maternal uncle of Frances, daughter of Sir George Baynham.

From the pages of ‘A History of the County of Gloucester’, we learn that the Baynham family was one of the oldest in the Forest of Dean. High nobility might come and go, their heads dependant upon the fickle turns of politics, yet the mesne lords remained.

The following chart is taken from the Baynham page on tudorplace, supplemented by the gleanings from the several entries in ‘A History of the County of Gloucester’, covering the several manors held by the Baynham family in the Bledisloe and St. Briavels hundreds of the Forest of Dean.

Robert Greyndour d 1443 m Joan d 1484
~ Elizabeth d 1452 m 2ndly John Tiptoft, earl of Worcester
~ ~ William Walwyn of Bickerton d 1471
~ ~ ~ Alice Walwyn d 1518 m 1stly Thomas Baynham d 1500
~ ~ ~ ~ Elizabeth Baynham
~ ~ ~ ~ Sir Christopher Baynham, d 1557 m Joan/Jane Morgan
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Mary Baynham
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Dorothy Baynham
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Joan Baynham
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ John Baynham
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Sir George Baynham of Clearwell, Gloucs, bc 1505 mc 1524 1stly Bridget Kingston
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Frances Baynham m Sir Henry Jernegan
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Jane Baynham m Anon Tuberfeld
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Sir George Baynham bc 1505 m 2ndly Cecily Gage
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Christopher Baynham d1557
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Mary Baynham
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Dorothy Baynham
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Joan Baynham
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ John Baynham
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Richard Baynham
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Sir Thomas Baynham d.1611
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ George Baynham

Sir George Baynham was heir, therefore eldest surviving son, but I have listed him last for clarification.

The repetition of the daughters’ names, Dorothy, Mary and Joan, is interesting. (More daughters are listed at source but are here omitted for clarity). Have Sir Christopher’s daughters been given to Sir George in error? Or could it be vice versus. Or were they family names, oft-times repeated. More interesting, is to find that both Mary and Frances Baynham are given as daughters of Sir George.

Sir William Kingston is intimately tied to the family; Frances is said to be niece of Sir William’s son, Anthony. For the daughter to be niece, the mother must be sister. Is there evidence that Bridget Kingston, wife of Sir George Baynham, was sister to Sir Anthony Kingston, thus daughter of Sir William?

In ‘A History of the County of Gloucester: Volume 11: Bisley and Longtree Hundreds,’ an account is given of Painswick manor. In 1539 Lord Lisle and John Dudley had “conveyed” the manor to Thomas Cromwell, earl of Essex, who then had sold it in 1540 to Sir William Kingston and his wife Mary [Scrope]. But shortly after, Sir William died and the manor descended to his son Sir Anthony Kingston.

“At Sir Anthony’s death the manor passed to his niece Frances, wife of Sir Henry Jerningham.”

The passage is ambiguously worded. Does it refer to Frances Baynham? And whose niece is she, Sir William’s or Sir Anthony’s?

Things become clearer in the account given in ‘A History of the County of Gloucester: Volume 10 – Westbury and Whitstone Hundreds, Moreton Valence, where again the account is given of John Dudley in 1539 selling a manor, this time Moreton Valence, to Thomas Cromwell who then sold it in 1540 to Sir William Kingston and his wife Mary.

“[Sir William] Kingston died in 1540, and his widow Mary (d. 1548) had a life tenure of the manor. In 1543 William’s son by his first wife, Sir Anthony Kingston (d. 1556), settled the reversion on himself for life and then on his niece Frances, daughter of Sir George Baynham and wife of Henry Jerningham(d. 1572)”

So Sir William Kingston was married more than once, and Sir Anthony was son of the first. But though here Frances is given as daughter of Sir George Baynham, the ambiguity remains of whose niece.

But what does it matter, what’s the concern? To answer, consider this chart, as given by tudorplace.com:

~ Mary Scrope m Sir William Kingston
~ ~ Bridget Kingston m Sir George Baynham
~ ~ ~ Frances Baynham m Sir Henry Jerningham

Against that set another chart, this given by both tudorplace.com and Rev Betham’s Baronetage of England:

~ Sir Edward Jerningham d 1515 m 2ndly Mary Scrope
~ ~ Sir Henry Jerningham m Frances Baynham

Yes, it is the same Mary Scrope, daughter of Sir Richard Scrope. When Sir Edward Jerningham died in 1515, Mary married again, to Sir William Kingston. If Bridget is the daughter of Mary’s second marriage, as it would seem, then Henry’s mother would be his wife’s grandmother. A relationship too close for the Church to tolerate.

On the other hand, if Bridget is daughter of Sir William’s first marriage, thus full sister to Sir Anthony, there would be no problem.

This more likely situation is confirmed by Wikipedia’s entry for Sir William Kingston.

Sir William Kingston was MP for Gloucestershire 1529 and 1539, Constable of the Tower of London for much Henry VIII’s reign, had charge of the imprisoned Queen Anne Boleyn, married twice –

“firstly to a woman named Elizabeth — they had two children, Bridget (who married Sir George Baynham of Clearwell, Gloucestershire) and Anthony — and secondly to Mary Scrope.”

So, the correct chart should be:

~ Sir William Kingston m 1stly Elizabeth
~ ~ Bridget KingstonSir George Baynham 
~ ~ ~ Frances Baynham m Sir Henry Jerningham
~ Sir William Kingston m 2ndly Mary Scrope

~ Mary Scrope m 1stly Sir Edward Jerningham 
~ ~ Sir Henry Jerningham m Frances Baynham

There now is no objection to the marriage of Frances and Henry. Though it doesn’t answer the question of Sir Henry’s wife.

Did Sir Henry marry Mary as well as Frances? Did these half-sisters become his first and second wives? The answer could lie here:

From: ‘Hundred of Lothingland’, The History and Antiquities of the County of Suffolk: volume 1 (1846), pp. 291-293.

“The fee of the Hundred . . . next passed into the hands of Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, whose descendant, Edmund de la Pole, lost it by attainder of High Treason, in the reign of Henry VIII., when it was regranted by that monarch to Edmund Jernegan, Esq., and Mary his wife, and subsequently passed, as the Hundred of Mutford, through the families of Allin and Anguish, to its present possessor, Samuel Morton Peto, Esq.”

And again from ‘Hundred of Mutford’, The History and Antiquities of the County of Suffolk: volume 1:

“The lordship of the Hundred was forfeited by their descendant, Edmund de la Pole, who was beheaded in 1513; and it was afterwards granted by Henry VIII. to Edmund Jernegan, and Mary his wife.”

When I read these I thought I’d stumbled across yet another error, and that Edmund Jernegan had been put for Edward, whose wife we know was Mary Scrope. Particularly since the Mutford account goes on to say that the widowed Mary then married Sir William Kingston. This supposed error seems to be supported by the grant of January 1511, record of which is found in ‘Henry VIII: January 1511’, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 1: 1509-1514 (1920), pp. 369-377.

“Edward Jernyngham and Mary his wife. Grant for life, in survivorship, of the manors of Leystoft and Mutford, and the hundreds of Lothyngland and Mutford, Suff., forfeited by Edmund de la Pole; paying yearly 7l. to the sheriff of Suffolk and 10l. 10s. to the Exchequer. Greenwich, 12 June, 1 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 14 June. P.S. Pat. 1 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 14.”

And again in a grant of Janury 1511 . . .

“Edward Jernyngham and Mary his wife. Grant, in tail male, of the manors of Levestoft, alias Estlete, Westlete, Northlete, Southlete, Gorleston, and Mutford, and the hundreds of Lothyngland and Mutford, Suff., forfeited by attainder of Edmund De la Pole, 19 Hen. VII., subject to an annual rent of 16l. 17s. 9d., to be paid as follows, viz., 7l. to the sheriff of Suffolk, and 9l. 17s. 9d. to Katharine, Queen Consort, during her life; on surrender of patent, 14 June, 1 Hen. VIII., granting the manors of Leystoft and Mutford, and hundreds of Lothingland and Mutford, to the said Edward and Mary, in survivorship. Tower of London, 12 Jan., 2 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 28 Jan. P.S. Pat. 2 Hen. VIII. p. 3, m. 12; and p. 2, m. 16.”

In January 1540, on the occasion of the marriage of Henry VIII and Lady Anne of Cleves, a grant to said lady of the stated revenues from a list of manors include:

“. . . 9l. 16s. 9d., parcel of a yearly rent of 16l. 17s. 9d. issuing from the manors of Lowestofte, alias Lowstofte Estlete and Westlete, Northelete, Southelete, Gorleston, Mitforde, and of the hundred of Lothingland and Mytford, Suff., payable by Edw. Jernyngham and Mary, his wife, and the heirs male of their bodies . . .”

From: ‘Henry VIII: January 1540, 21-31’, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 15: 1540 (1896), pp. 29-55.

At first glance it appears that Edward Jerningham is still alive. Yet we know he died in 1515. The crucial phrase is ‘and the heirs male of their bodies’. These manors and hundreds would be counted as still in the hold of the original grantee until no more male heirs remained – or, with the king’s permission, they were sold.

So it would seem there had been an error in the accounts of the hundreds of Lothingland and Mutford, that following upon mention of Edmund de la Pole, the name Edmund had been substituted for Edward Jerningham. Though, perhaps not.

The Jerningham’s genealogical chart has already been given in previous posts. But to give again the relevant section . . .

John Jernegan Esq m Isabella Clifton
~ Sir Richard Jerningham
~ Mary Jerningham m Thomas Stanhope, Esq
~ Sir Edward Jerningham m Margaret Bedingfield d1504 
~ ~ John Jerningham
~ ~ Thomas Jerningham
~ ~ Olyff Jerningham
~ ~ Sir Robert Jerningham
~ ~ Nicholas Jerningham
~ ~ Anne Jerningham m x5
~ ~ Margaret Jerningham m x2
~ Sir Edward Jerningham d 1515 m Mary Scrope
~ ~ Sir Henry Jerningham 
~ ~ Edmund Jerningham
~ ~ Ferdinand Jerningham
~ ~ Elizabeth Jerningham
~ ~ Edward Jerningham, born posthumously
As given by William Betham’s Baronetage of England:

Or as given by tudorplace.com:
John Jerningham m Isabel Clifton
~ Mary Jerningham m Thomas Stanhope
~ ~ Edward Stanhope
~ Sir Edward Jerningham 1stly mc Margaret Bedingfield
~ ~ Anne Jerningham m x5
~ ~ John Jerningham of Somerleyton 
~ ~ Thomas Jerningham
~ ~ Nicholas Jerningham
~ ~ Henry Jerningham
~ ~ Fernand Jerningham
~ ~ Margaret Jerningham
~ ~ Robert Jerningham 
~ Sir Edward Jerningham 2ndly mc 1509 Mary Scrope
~ ~ Elizabeth Jerningham, bbf 1515
~ ~ Sir Henry Jerningham of Cotesby Hall, b 1512

Sir Henry Jerningham had a brother, Edmund Jerningham. Tudoplace.com doesn’t give it, but Rev Betham does, and he adds:

“Edmund Jerningham was a gentleman of the bedchamber to King Henry VIII, and died 9 February 1546.”

Betham’s account is quoted in the preface to the translation of the will of Sir William Kingston, available on oxford-shakespeare.com. In the same preface to the same will is a quote from the online edition of The Dictionary of National Biography:

“. . . [Sir William Kingston’s] first two wives were Anne, widow of Sir John Guise (d. 1501), and Elizabeth (surname unknown) . . .

“By 1534 he had wed Mary, daughter of Richard Scrope and widow of Edward Jerningham (d. 1515) of Somerleighton, Suffolk . . .

“He had one son, Anthony Kingston, and one or two daughters . . .

“His daughter Bridget Kingston, married Sir George Baynham, who after her death married Cecilia Gage, the daughter of Sir John Gage (1479-1556) of Firle . . .

“The testator’s granddaughter, Frances Baynham (d.1583), the daughter of Sir George Baynham and his first wife, Bridget Kingston, married the testator’s stepson, Sir Henry Jerningham (1509/10-1572) . . .

“[Sir William Kingston] was granted a number of wardships, including that of Edmund Jerningham, his wife’s son from her first marriage.”

A most informative preface from a site worth a visit by any student of the period, providing translations of the wills, letters and other documents of many of the persons associated with the de Veres, earls of Oxford, and with William Shakespeare.

It is generally assumed that because Sir Henry inherited the former grants made to Sir Edward Jerningham and his wife Mary, and the heirs of their bodies, that he was the firstborn. Yet to inherit, all that was needed was for him to be the eldest surviving son when his mother Mary Jerningham-Kingston died in 1548.

This same will of Sir William Kingston is reported in a footnote in Blomefield’s ‘Hundred of Forehoe: Cossey’, An Essay towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk: volume 2 (1805):

“Sir William Kingston, Knight of the noble order of the Garter, gave his son, Anthony Kingston, six great bowls of silver, &c.; to his son-in-law, Sir Henry Jernegan, 20l. and a gown of black satin furred with sables, which the King gave him; to his son-in-law, Edmund Jernegan, 20l.; to his brother, George Kingston, towards the marriage of his daughters, 40l.; to his son Anthony . . . Regr. Alynger. in Cur. Prerog. Cant. fo. 33.”
Son-in-law here is taken to mean stepson, rather than the husband of his daughter.

Edmund Jerningham also is mentioned in the will of Elizabeth de Vere, Countess of Oxford, died 1537, also available with an informative preface on oxford-shakespeare.com:

“Item, I give and bequeath unto my nephew, Edmund Jerningham, a goblet of silver and gilt with a cover, weighing 15 ounces dimidium, the goblet pounced like pens, having my Lord Beaumont’s arms and mine in the top of the cover, and also I give him fifty pounds in ready money . . .”
Elizabeth de Vere was Mary Scrope’s sister.

Frances Baynham received from the same will:

“Item, I give and bequeath to Frances Baynham, one of my maidens, five pounds in ready money . . .”

This suggests that in 1537 Frances wasn’t yet married to Sir Henry Jerningham, although it is also possible that the countess continued to use Frances’s maiden name after her marriage.

Edmund Jerningham receives ten mentions in the ‘Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII:

  • December 1536, 11-20: In a letter concerning Dissolution of Monasteries, “Edmunde Jernyngham, in company of Robt. Goldyngham, Ralph Brekehed, and Robt. Rowse, had been in north restoring monasteries . . .”
  • Aug-Dec 1538: Edm. Jerningham named amongst “Gentlemen most mete to be daily waiters upon my said lord and allowed in his house,” in a letter from Lord Cromwell.
  • March 1540: “Edm. Jarnyngham. Grant, in tail, for 204l. paid by Sir William Kyngeston, K.G. (the said Edmund being son of dame Mary Kyngeston, now wife of the said Sir William)”
  • January-July 1543: Edm. Jernyngham, of the Household was appointed to Ramsey manor, Essex, with tithes of the church there
  • July 1544, 26-31: Edm. Jerningham was appointed “to go in person, and with five horsemen, into France with the King’s Majesty in his Grace’s battle.” [The Italian War of 1542-46 in which Henry VIII allied with Charles V of Spain, Holy Roman Emperor]. In the same letter his brother, Henry Jerningham, is appointed to supply another five men.
  • October 1544, 26-31: an order “to pay Edm. Gernyngam, one of the “queryes” of the King’s stable, for the meat and drink of John Powell and Anthony Vaundebrocke for 32 days ending 1 Aug” [active in the King’s army in France]
  • November 1544, 26-30: “Edmund Jernyngham, one of “lez quyrrees” of the King’s stable, granted annuity of 10l. out of the manor and lordship of Denbyth in North Wales”
  • March 1540, 21-31: The king agreed the grant of “rents due to Sir William Kyngeston from the late prioress of a convent at Clerkenwell, being paid to her on property in Tottenham which has been in her hold & leased to an innkeeper, should now be paid to Edm. Jarnyngham, he being son of dame Mary Kyngeston, now wife of Sir William Kingston . . .”
  • November 1545, 26-30: the king agreed the grant “to John More, king’s servant, of pension out of manor of Denbigh, N Wales, upon the surrender by Edm. Jernyngham . . .” [meaning when, in the course of things, it becomes available, not that Edmund was to immediately surrender it]
  • August 1546, 26-31: the king agreed a grant to Sir Anthony Kingston “to claim the land in Tottenham that Edmund Jernegan, gentleman, had held until his death on 9th Feb 1546 . . .”

Edmund Jerningham died in 1546, two years before his mother. Sir Henry replaced him as heir.

But the only mention I find of a wife for Edmund is the above quoted account of the hundreds of Lothingland and Mutford, and there she is named simply as Mary. If this Mary is indeed Mary Baynham, sister of Sir Henry’s wife, then what could be more natural than for her to live out her dowager days at Costessey Hall? If grants had been made to Edmund and his wife Mary “and the heirs of their bodies,” then those grants would still be with Mary, though they would eventually come to Sir Henry since it seems that Edmund died without issue.

However, to return to the Baynham chart as given by tudorplace.com . . .

~ Sir Christopher Baynham m Joan/Jane Morgan
~ ~ Sir George Baynham m 1stly Bridget Kingston
~ ~ ~ Frances Baynham m Sir Henry Jernegan
~ ~ ~ Jane Baynham m Anon Tuberfeld
~ ~ Sir George Baynham m 2ndly Cecily Gage
~ ~ ~ Christopher Baynham 
~ ~ ~ Mary Baynham m Son Fenton
~ ~ ~ Dorothy Baynham m Roger Williams
~ ~ ~ Joan Baynham m Sir Anthony Strelley, Knt

Mary Baynham is given a husband, though his name isn’t known other than Fenton. There are five different Fentons mentioned in BHOL’s documents relevant to the period. None mention a wife, let alone one named Mary. Even so, the author of tudorplace had the information from some source; husband Fenton existed. Therefore if Mary Baynham did marry Edmund Jerningham, it must have been as her second husband.

The evidence is far from conclusive. Perhaps there is another explanation?

  • It could have a scribal error as suggested, the substitution of Edmund for Edward. It would be easily done. Yet that does not explain the testament of both Blomefield and Gage, both with access to the Jerningham Papers.
  • It could be that amongst those papers the name of Sir Henry’s mother has been mistakenly applied to his wife. Yet that wouldn’t explain why she was named as Mary, daughter of Sir George Baynham.
  • It could be the mistake was applied to Sir Henry’s daughter.

Sir Edward Jerningham m 2ndly Mary Scrope of Bolton
~ Sir Henry Jerningham m Frances Baynham d 1583
~ ~ Henry Jerningham 
~ ~ William Jerningham
~ ~ Francis Jerningham
~ ~ Mary Jerningham bc 1542 m Sir Thomas Southwell
~ ~ Jeronyma Jerningham m Charles Waldegrave
As given by Betham’s Baronetage of England.

But the same objection applies, that both Blomefield and Gage had access to the Jerningham Papers; they saw the name written as Mary Baynham – or at least as Mary, daughter of George Baynham.

Besides, while Mary Jerningham married Sir Thomas Southwell (see tudorplace.com) there are no children listed of that marriage, and in 1561 Sir Thomas married again. Though divorce is possible, it is more likely that Mary Jerningham died before 1561, perhaps in childbirth. How then could she be the widowed Mary who entertained Queen Elizabeth at Costessey Hall in 1578?

There has to be another explanation.

To look again at E G Gage’s 1991 account of Costessey Hall . . .

“After the death of Lady Mary Jerningham in 1583 (the same date as given for Frances Jerningham, nee Baynham) her daughter and son-in-law, Mr and Mrs Waldegrave, who had been living at Costessey Hall since their marriage in 1571, moved out of the Hall to take up residence at Bowthorpe Hall.”
Mr and Mrs Waldegrave would be Jeronyma and Charles Waldegrave.

Coupled with the date of her dying, Lady Mary Jerningham is clearly intended as an alias for Frances.

And here seems a relevant place for an excursion into an important aspect of genealogy:

A Matter of Names

Anglo-Norman Conventions

There existed – still exists – a most stringently kept Anglo-Norman convention for the naming of sons.

Rule 1: The first son is named for his paternal grandfather.

This is illustrated to perfection by the Kemp branch of my own ancestry. Between 1677 and 1914, father and son are alternately named Richard and James:

Richard Kemp
~ James Kemp
~ ~ Richard Kemp
~ ~ ~ James Kemp
~ ~ ~ ~ Richard Kemp
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ James Kemp

Looking for more examples, I found these on celtic-casimir.com.

~ ~ Baldwin de Reviers 
~ ~ ~ Richard earl of Devon d 1162
~ ~ ~ ~ Baldwin earl of Devon d 1188 
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Richard earl of Devon d 1193
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Baldwin earl of Devon d 1262

Gilbert of Aton fl 1193-1235
~ William of Aton 1230 
~ Gilbert of Aton fl 1253–1283
~ ~ William of Aton bc 1256 dc 1317
~ ~ ~ Gilbert of Aton, bc 1278 d 1350
~ ~ ~ ~ Sir William, 1st Baron of Aton, bc 1299 dc 1388

Sir William, 1st Baron of Aton, was Sheriff of Yorkshire, 1369-1373, married Isabel, daughter of Sir Henry, 2nd Lord Percy, and left 3 daughters as his co-heirs. Since he had no surviving sons the pattern was broken.

Rule 2: The second son is named for his maternal grandfather

Henry, 3rd Lord Percy, d 1368 m Mary Plantagenet, dau/Henry, earl of Lancaster
~ Henry, 4th Lord Percy, d 1407/8 m Margaret, dau/ Ralph, Lord Neville
~ ~ Henry Percy
~ ~ Ralph Percy
~ ~ Thomas Percy

Baldwin de Brionne
~ Richard de Reviers m Adelise, dau/William
[Guillaume] Peverell

~ ~ Baldwin de Reviers
~ ~ Guillaume, Seigneur de Vernon

Since most often the details of a genealogical chart has been gleaned from records relating to inheritance only the heir is listed. Subsequent sons tend to be listed only if they make a name in the Church or marry an heiress and thus be listed on her family’s chart. But the seen son and heir might not be the firstborn, merely the eldest surviving. This can give the impression that the eldest son was named for the maternal grandfather, though this did and does happen, particularly where the mother’s family has the greater status (see Rule 6 below).

Robert de Ros d 1227 m Isabel, dau/William the Lion,
king of Scotland
~ William de Ros
~ Robert Baron Ros of Werke

Renaud I de St Valerie
~ Emma m Bernard 
~ ~ Gilbert de St Valerie m Popia dau/Richard II,
duke of Normandy

~ ~ ~ Bernard II
~ ~ ~ Richard de Hugleville

[] Bernard II de St Valerie & Dommart
[]~ Gauthier de St Valerie dc 1061 m Elizabeth de Montlhéri
[]~ ~ Bernard III de St Valerie dc 1091
[]~ ~ ~ Renaud II de St Valerie, d. 1166
[]~ ~ ~ ~ Bernard IV

Then again, if both first and second sons die before inheriting, there might remain no evidence at all of Rules 1 & 2. Instead we might find:

Rule 3: The third son is named for the paternal uncle.
Rule 4: The third son is named for the maternal uncle.
Rule 5: Subsequent sons are named for the paternal brother, then maternal brother

Rule 6 (which overrules all other rules) The son is named for a lord of higher status

Aka, the Suck-Up Rule.

History provides abundant examples. Take the names we think of as typically Norman: Robert, William, Richard, Henry. These all were prevalent amongst the neighbouring dynasties in France.

  • Robert I, count of Paris & Poitiers, marquis of Neustria & Orleans, died 923
  • Robert II, king of France 996-1031
  • William I, duke of Aquitaine, 898-918
  • William ‘Towhead’, count of Poitou, duke of Aquitaine died 963, married Gerlotte, daughter of Rollo of Normandy
  • Richard ‘the Justiciar’, count of Autun, duke of Burgundy, died 921
  • Henry, duke of Burgundy, died 1002, son of Hugh ‘Magnus’, 925-56
  • Henry, king of France 1031-1060

A Matter of Language

In England of the C11th – C14th French was the court language. Not only the king’s court but extending to the hundred and manor courts. Everyone above a peasant spoke some French. That’s not to say that French was their mother tongue; at home and in their fields they’d have spoken whatever form of English or Welsh or Cornish or Cumbrian or Northumbrian was theirs. Yet in dealing with their overlords they would have needed at least a working grasp of the lingo. It mattered not that their immediate overlord was English too. Everyone was caught in a pyramid of status. The king spoke French, so his barons must. The barons spoke French, so his immediate tenants must. Etc, etc, all the way down the many layers of sub-tenancy.

Thus an English name would be given French form, and that French form then recorded in Latin – because Church-trained clerks kept the court records.

But this wasn’t the Latin of Classical Rome. In form it veered more towards the contemporary languages found in England, Germany and France; a bastard Latin. Some of the clerks’ Latinised versions are obvious in translation, while others leave us scratching our heads, else chuckling.

  • Auonius = of Northampton’
  • Bacchus = Backhouse
  • Castor = Bever
  • de Albo Monasterio = Blancmuster, and Whitchurch
  • de Aureis Testiculis = Orescuilz (aka Golden Balls)
    Yes, there was such a man. There was also one named ‘Roger God-Save-The-Ladies’, he held Baddow in Essex in 1086, but I’ve seen his name only in that translation
  • de Beuerlaco = Beverley
  • de Blanco Pane = Whitbread
  • de Cahagnis and Cahannis = Keynes, Keine and Cain
  • de Fonte Limpido = Sherburn
  • Diuitius = Riche
  • filius Briciis = Bryson
  • filius Coci = Cookson
  • Magnus Venator = Grosvenor

For more examples see Wikipedia’s List of Latinised Names.

The following passages are from the Close Rolls of Henry III of 1265, available on British History Online. Apart from the variation in endings, according to whether the person is the ‘doer’ or the ‘done to’, these names for the most part are obvious and easily translated.

Item 343
“Quia testificatum est coram rege quod Stephanus de Chelmerford’ quondam civis Lond’ ad fidem regis die quo interfectus fuit in bello de Lewes per quod rex Margerie que fuit uxor eiusdem Stephani et Margerie filie sue terras et tenementa que fuerunt predicti Stephani reddidit, mandatum est custodi civitatis Lond’ quod eisdem Margerie et Margerie de terris et tenementis que fuerunt predicti Stephani plenam seisinam sine dilacione habere faciat. Teste ut supra.”

Item 358
“Rex dedit Imberto de Monteregali servienti Petri de Sabaud’ omnes terras et tenementa cum pertinenciis que fuerunt Willelmi deWestenour’ inimici regis in Bestenour’ et Orsye et omnes terras et tenementa cum pertinenciis que fuerunt Gervasii et Roberti fratrum predicti Willelmi inimicorum regis in la Wenlok’ et in rappo de Pevenes.”

From: ‘Supplementary Close Roll 3, 1265-6′, Calendar of Close Rolls, Henry III (Supplementary): 1244-1266 (1975), pp. 34-50.

It helps that only a small range of names were in use in the period, and that most are still current. However, one or two might trip us: Radulpho = Ralph; Hunfridi = Humphrey; Galfridus = Geoffrey; Guidonis = a form of Guyde, literally ‘guide’. The following are taken from same source:

  • Andree Wak
  • Arnulphi Gernin
  • Baldewini Wake
  • Conanis de Mannefeud
  • Egidii de Argenteim
  • Elye de Roff
  • Eustacius filius Thome
  • Galfridus de Tylol
  • Godefrido Giffard
  • Grimbaldo Pauncefot
  • Guidonis de Baillol
  • Henricus de Sancto Mauro
  • Hugo filius Otonis
  • Hugoni le Bigod
  • Hunfridi de Bassingburn
  • Jolano de Vallibus
  • Jordano de Hedon
  • Mathei de Cnolle
  • Nicholai de Widemal
  • Nicholao de Leukenor
  • Ottoni de Grauncun
  • Petri de Faucunberg
  • Radulphi Pirret
  • Radulpho filio Ranulphi
  • Rogero filio Rogeri de Leyburn
  • Willelmi de Swineford

Those are all more or less familiar names. But the following is a witness list from a charter of Henry II addressed to the archbishop of Rouen and all his officers of Normandy. It was written between 1167 and 1175 in Calvados, Normandy, France:

“Testibus: Rotrodo Rothomagensi archiepiscopo; Arnulfo Lexoviensi episcopo; Henrico Baiocensi episcopo; Frogero Sagiensi episcopo; Egidio Ebroicensi episcopo; Ricardo Abrincensi episcopo; Stephano Rhedonensi episcopo; Ricardo de Humeto constabulario; Jordano Taisson; Ricardo filio comitis; Willelmo de Curey; Archenbaldo constabulario de Tenerchebray. Apud Argentonium.”

From: ‘Calvados: Part 3’, Calendar of Documents Preserved in France: 918-1206 (1899), pp. 190-217.

The further back through the centuries we search the less easy it is to distinguish our subject. Though Tudor times has its own problems. The written word might be English, but phonetically written.

The following examples are from the Index: C, D, E of the Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII Volume 8: January-July 1535 (1885), pp. 493-509. The editor has helpfully collected together the variants. Though some are placenames, by this period many a surname was placename-based.

  • Campbell (Camwell, Champuel)
  • Cavendish (Cavendysshe, Candyssh, Caundisshe, Candiss)
  • Cholmeley (Chamley)
  • Coggeshall (Kocsall, Coksale)
  • Darlington (Derneton, Darneton)
  • Dawby, Dawbeny, or Dawbeney. See Daubeney.
  • Ducklington (Doglyngton)
  • Englefield (Englefylde, Englefeude, Inglefield)

And how many ways did they find to spell Baynham, the surname of Mary and Frances? The following are gleaned from the indices of the 21 volumes of the Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII:

  • Baynham
  • Bayneham
  • Baneham
  • Baynam
  • Beynam
  • Beynham
  • Beyneham
  • Bainham
  • Baineham

Nine ways of spelling the name. Though the variations are minor, today these nine would define nine different families. And perhaps in C16th they weren’t all one family. In reading the letters and charters I could define at least two, maybe three.

Regional Variations

As shown in Foundations 2: The Manor, in England even through to the Tudor period both landlords and tenants might be Flemish, French, Dutch, Breton, Spanish, German, Scandinavian, Welsh, Irish, Scots or Italian. And even if they are English their wives might not be. So we find recorded many regional and national variations on a name.

  • Hedwig, Hedwise, Hawise, Awice, Awise, Avis, Avice
  • Mahaut, Maud and Matilda
  • Ade, Ada, Adele, Adella, Adelise, Adeline and Adelaide
  • Anne/Annis, Agnes and Agatha
  • Amice, Amy, Emma, and Emily
  • Mary, Marian, Margaret and Margery
    All are variations, though today they are taken as seperate names

To complicate matters in seeking an ancestor, in any one document one name might stand for the other. Moreover, an editor or translator might favour one version over another. So who is to say that Emily de Kocsall is not otherwise known as Amy de Coggshall? Or that elsewhere she’s not given as Emme, wife of Hugonis of Gand?

Shortened Forms

In the informality of C21st, nearly everyone is known by some shortened name-form. Yet those we use today might not be the forms used in the past. And neither need they be logical.

Whlie it’s easy to see how Maggie forms from Margaret, Peggy is less obvious. In fact, Peggy forms from Meg, a pet form of Margaret.

So too with Chas, it being the written abbreviation of Charles. But how does Baz form from Barry? One would expect it to be a shortened form of Basil, which it also is. Likewise, we find Gaz as a form of Gary, itself a former surname (from German gar– = spear) and now used as a first name.

Following these forms one would expect Harry to shorten to Haz. Instead it shortens to Hal. And as Harry gives Hal, so does Terry (from Terrence) give Tel, and Derek, though it doesn’t shorten to Derry, gives Del. But how was it that Harry ever formed upon Henry – or Bill, Dick and Bob from William, Richard and Robert? A coincidence that these four names were those used by the ducal family of Normandy?

Family Names

It is common today for most people to bear two names:

  1. the official name used for bank accounts, driving licence, employment and all manner of contracts
  2. the pet name, used by family and close friends.

Most pet names are the shortened form of the official name, as Michael becomes Mike, Mick or Mikey, or Victor becomes Vic or Vicky. Other pet names are earned, often in childhood, and might refer to a personal quality, e.g.: Prof, Beany and Bowler.

Most English-speaking parents give their child a second ‘forename’. In the past it was given at baptism, “to gain the Lord’s protection”. Today it is more often ignored, used only if the first forename is, for whatever reason, found hateful by the child. But in the past it was used specially by a person’s close family and friends. To provide an example:

I once worked with a man known to his fellow employees as Jonathan. That was the name on his application form, on his c.v., on his references; it was the name for his National Insurance and PAYE. As far as any knew he was Jonathan. Until one day his mother phoned to speak with him, urgently. His father had been taken to hospital. He later died. Heart attack. But she asked to speak to Mally. The receptionist was dumbfounded. Who was Mally. No, Madam, no Mally works here. It turned out his family and close friends used his second given name, Malcolm. He was of Scots descent.

How does this apply to genealogy? Prior to C19th, with its National Census and centrally held records of Births, Marriages and Deaths, we must rely upon various legal documents: deeds, charters and other court records. If we are lucky there might be a surviving will, and a diary and letters. But the name used for the legal documents might not match that found in a letter, nor in a will where the father has, with affection, named his grandson or daughter.

In this respect Mary could be the name used by her husband and children, while Frances was the name used for official documents. There is no other explanation that fits the evidence.

_______________________________

A Time To Clear Errors

The Jerningham name:
In Foundations 1: The Family I said that Cage in his account of Costessey Hall claims Sir Henry used the Jerningham spelling of his name to distinguish himself from the Jernegans of Somerleyton. I remarked that this could not be so, and gave a list of the variations of the name in use for at least the 40 years preceding.

However, Sir Henry Jerningham’s biography on tudorplace.com supplies what might be the source of this snippet:

Historical Southern Families, Vol. IV, p. 121
Author: John Bennett Boddie.

Yet the publication date is given on Google Books as 1993 and Gage was already published by then. However, a scroll down the page reveals the copyright date. 1953.

Since the book is not available, neither to buy nor online, I am unable to say what the ultimate source.

Cotesby Hall:
Again in Foundations 1: The Family, I scratched my head over the error of Cotesby in place of Cossey Hall, and in the end concluded it must be an IT equivalent of a scribal error. They happen to us all, no matter how careful.

Yet again the tudorplace.com biography of Sir Henry Jerningham has at least a part-answer. The author cites Rev William Betham, The Baronetage of England, 1801-1803, p. 232, table 33, as source.

But unfortunately that is not so. Nowhere in that publication does Betham use that spelling. My previous comment must stand:

Finally . . .

Wingfield Castle

From tudorplace.com:

“Henry Jerningham of Cotesby Hall (Sir), born 1512, Norfolk, Wingfield, Suffolk, England . . .”

In Betham’s Baronetage of England, Sir Henry’s father is given as “Sir Edward Jernegan of Somerley, (Somerleyton) Knt., eldest son . . . etc”;  not as  “Sir Edward Jernegan of Wingfield”.

When we first encounter Sir Henry he is given as “Sir Henry Jernegan of Huntingfield etc . . .”

On our next encounter he is given as “Sir Henry Jernegan of Huntingfield and Wingfield, in Suffolk.”

Thereafter he is given as Sir Henry, or Henry Jerningham, or once in a quote as “Maister Jerningham”.

At no point does Betham claim that Sir Henry was born at Wingfield Castle. Indeed, in a footnote in which he compresses the history of Costessey manor, he notes that “she (Queen Mary I) also granted the castle and manor of Wingfield in Suffolk . . .”

The author of the tudorplace.com biography knows that. To quote:

“Sir Henry also obtained grants from the Queen of several large manors, particularly those of Cotesby in Norfolk and Wingfield Castle in Suffolk.”

I have tried to contact the author to ask of his sources, not only this but the several errors. But without response.

Of course, one needs no grant of a manor and castle to be born there. And the Jerningham family did have connections with Wingfield.

Wingfield Castle, Suffolk

“Wingfield Castle, Suffolk,” etching by the British printmaker Henry Davy. Courtesy of the British Museum, London. 1827
Public Domain/Wikipedia Commons

The manor of Wingfield had long been the seat of the Wingfield family. But by mid C14th all that remained of that family was Sir John’s daughter Katherine. Katherine married Michael de la Pole who, in 1385, was created Earl of Suffolk (see Foundations 2: The Manor), and the extensive estate of Wingfield manor became a part of the de la Pole’s holdings. Michael and Katherine chose Wingfield manor as their main residence, and in 1383 obtained licence to convert house to castle.

The ultimate fate of the de la Poles, earls of Suffolk, has been treated in Foundations 2: The Manor; in brief, the last son and heir, was the Yorkist Pretender, Edmund de la Pole, who, alas, ended his life with his head on the block. Literally. Henry VIII had him beheaded for treason in 1513.

In September 1509, Henry VIII granted “the rent and reversion of the manor of Huntingfeld, in Suff., with appurtenances there and in Magna Lynstede, Parva Lynstede, Cratfeld, Cookley and Wyngfeld, Suff., and the advowsons of Huntingfeld and Cokeley [etc],” to Edward Jerningham, and others.

“The premises came into the hands of Henry VII by the attainder of Edmund De la Pole, and are to be held to the use of Margaret De la Pole, wife of the said Edmund, during her life.”

‘Henry VIII: September 1509’, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 1: 1509-1514 (1920), pp. 82-97

In 1509 Edward Jerningham and his companions might have had grant of the rent from the Wingfield estate but they had not vacant possession of Wingfield Castle. For that the Jerninghams must wait.

According to W A Copinger in Vol IV The Manors of Suffolk , 1909

“The manor was subsequently granted by Hen. VIII. to Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk [created duke in 1514], who by deed in 1538 exchanged the manor with the Crown for other property. The manor [and castle] in 1544 was granted by the Crown to Sir Henry Jerningham and his wife.” (Copinger cites “0. 1-2 P. and M. i Par’s. Rot. 112,” as source.)

Though I would question the date of 1544, it would seem that Wingfield was not part of the package awarded to Sir Henry in 1555 for services to Queen Mary. Nor did it form part of his inheritance as heir to Sir Edward Jerningham and his wife Mary, nee Scrope.

But the Wingfield estate did not go directly into the hands of Charles Brandon. It was previously granted to Anne of York, daughter of Edward IV, wife of Thomas lord Howard . . .

From: ‘Henry VIII: July 1510’, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 1: 1509-1514 (1920), pp. 311-323:

“Grant, in tail, (for performance of indentures between the King and Thomas lord Howard, and the said Anne, dated 1 July, 2 Hen. VIII.) of the castle and manor of Wyngfeld, the manors of Syleham cum Velez and Stradbroke, Suff., of Frostenden and Cretyng St. Olave’s, Suff., of Costessey and Stokton cum Soca, Norf. [and other properties in Oxon, Berks, Notts, Lincs, Yorks, and Somerset] as held by Elizabeth [Elizabeth Plantagenet, Anne’s sister and wife of John de la Pole] late duchess of Suffolk, and forfeited by Edmund De la Pole, earl of Suffolk . . .”

This grant clarifies a situation noted in the previous post, Foundations 2: The Manor: it was a “Grant in tail” i.e. to be treated as inheritance. And the grant was made to Anne of York, wife of Thomas lord Howard, and not to “Thomas lord Howard and his wife”, who just happens to be Anne of York. Thus on her death the granted lands would pass to heirs of her body; it would not remain with her husband.

Anne died 23rd November 1511, aged 36. Her only son, Thomas Howard, died in 1508, three years before her. The manor et al reverted to Crown to be granted in 1514 to Charles Brandon on the occasion of his being created Duke of Suffolk – which was also the occasion of his marriage to Mary Tudor, dowager queen of France, and sister of Henry VIII.

So much for Sir Edward Jerningham receiving rents from the estate. Yet, unlike the previous grant, this makes no mention of Edmund’s widow, Margaret de la Pole.

So now to ask: Who was she, Edmund’s widow, Margaret de la Pole?

She was born Margaret Scrope, daughter and coheir of Sir Richard, Lord Scrope of Bolton. Sir Richard had four daughters  . . .

  1. Eleanor Scrope, who married Thomas Wyndham
  2. Elizabeth Scrope, who married John de Vere to become countess of Oxford, and whose will gives testament to the existence of Sir Henry’s brother Edmund
  3. Margaret Scrope, who married Edmund de la Pole, the Yorkist Pretender Edmund, former earl of Suffolk. According to tudorplace.com Margaret died between February 1514 and 1517; according to thepeerage.com, she died before February 1515.
  4. Mary Scrope, who married firstly Sir Edward Jerningham as his second wife, to become mother of Edmund, Henry, Ferdinand, Elizabeth – who served as Maid of Honour to Queen Mary, and Edward, born posthumously

So perhaps our Sir Henry was born at Wingfield Castle after all. For what could be more natural than for a mother to seek out her older sister at this time of women’s labour.

His year of birth is given as 1509, by historyofparliamentonline.org. A footnote explains this date is estimated from his age at his father’s death, but nothing is said of the place of his birth.

Wikipedia, following tudorplace.com, which it cites, gives his date of birth as 1512, and the place as Wingfield Castle (though whoever has written this article has peppered it with errors. It gives Sir Henry as “son of Sir Edward Jerningham of Cotesby Hall, Bolton, Yorkshire,” while in fact it was Mary Scrope’s father who was of Bolton, Yorkshire.)

Margaret Bedingfield died 1504. Allowing time for Sir Edward’s mourning, and then to marry Mary Scrope, no child would have been born before 1506. Since Sir Edward died in 1515, that allows nine years for their five surviving children, though the last was born posthumously. As we have seen, Edmund Jerningham was almost certainly the eldest brother. The daughter Elizabeth could have been born next. But regardless, 1509 fits neatly; five years before Edmund de la Pole’s widow, Sir Henry’s Aunt Margaret died.

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With the questions surrounding Sir Henry answered, the errors explained and, where possible, amended, in the next post we can take a step deeper into the historical past, into the years of the Plantagenet reigns.

Foundations 2: The Manor

Second in the series exploring the history of the Jerningham family.

The Manor of Costessey

My intent in this series is to locate and verify the Jerningham family’s pre-Elizabethan ancestors. But that would be no more than an exercise in genealogy, the results of which already swell the internet, if the historical context were ignored. Therefore, in this second of the series I aim to provide a grounding in the relevant political events surrounding each of Sir Henry’s antecedents by following the history of Costessey manor, granted to Sir Henry Jerningham in 1555.

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Jernegan d 1182 m Sibilla
As given by William Betham’s Baronetage of England

As given by tudorplace.com
Bryan Jerningham, Prince of Denmark m Sibilla

In 1030, Cnut, King of Denmark and England, brought with him upon his return from Rome diverse captains and soldiers from Denmark, of these, Jernegan, or Jernengham, was of the most esteem with Cnut, who gave unto him certain Royalties, and at a Parliament held at Oxford he gave him certain manors in Norfolk . . .

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Costessey, or Coteseia as it is given in Domesday Book, was at that time (1086) the capite (head manor) of Count Alan’s Norfolk estate. It had served the same for Ralph de Gael, the previous, and exiled, earl of Norfolk and Suffolk. The same too for his father Ralph the Staller who was amongst the few who survived the Norman Conquest. Ralph the Staller had served Edward Confessor as steward; it was Duke William of Normandy who bestowed the earldom upon him. It is of note that Ralph the Staller, Ralph de Gael and Count Alan all were Bretons.

In the months between the death of Edward Confessor and the Battle of Hastings the manor of Costessey was held by Earl Gyrth, King Harold’s own brother. Before that, with a brief interlude when the Mercian earl Alfgar held it, it had been the Norfolk capite of Harold Godwinsson himself.

The earldom and manor cannot with certainty be traced further back. Yet it is likely that Osgot Clapa the Staller (1026-1045) held here during the reigns of Edward Confessor, Harthacnut, Harold Harefoot and Cnut. From 1026 he is witness to charters, and no other ealdorman was appointed to East Anglia during this period. In 1046 he was exiled, though for reasons unknown.

Prior to Osgot was Thorkell the Tall (1017-1021). Bought by Ethelred the Unread to defend against Vikings, he then turned-coat and in 1015 supported Cnut’s invasion of England. In return King Cnut made him earl of East Anglia. He served as regent when Cnut returned to Denmark to sort the succession there.

Ulfcytel Snilling preceded Thorkell. Styled ‘the dux (war leader) of the East Anglians’ in John of Worcester’s chronicle, he died 1016 at the Battle of Assandun (Ashdown). He appears in the Jomsvikinga saga, and in Heimskringla, Saint Olaf’s saga in which East Anglia is called ‘Ulfcytel’s land’.

From this we begin to appreciate that East Anglia was much in the hold of the Danes – as it had been since 879 when the Treaty of Alfred and Guthrum defined the bounds of Danelaw. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles record:

Gudrum, King of East Angles 879-890 was entombed at the royal vill of Hadleigh in Suffolk; the first Dane to settle East Anglia.

But what King Alfred had granted, his sons tried to reclaim. There follow a succession of English names: Ethelwold, Eorhic, Ysopa. Then again begin the Danes.

Gorm the Old, son of Harthacnut, was king of Denmark 936-958, king of North Jutland, king of Denmark. He styled also king of East Anglia. He is thought to be father of Harald Bluetooth, who in turn was father of Sven Forkbeard, who briefly was king of England, opening the way for his son, Cnut, to establish Danish rule here in 1017.

Despite that the late C18th Francis Blomefield, in his Topographical History of the County of Norfolk makes of Costessey ‘the island of cottages’, it is an English-Dane hybrid placename, a common phenomenon throughout the ancient Danelaw.

Blomefield was right, though, in that the suffix: –ey means island in Old English. But Kosta is a personal name, Old Norse or Danish. Thus Costessey was named ‘the island of Kosta’. That the said island had long-formed the capite of the earldom can be seen in the name of the neighbouring village. Earlham. Though by 1086 it was a manor detached and ‘in the king’s hand’.

Manor of Costessey

Francis Blomefield describes Costessey as ‘one of the largest manors in this county (of Norfolk)’. As it is listed in Domesday Book, the manor occupied half of the Forehoe hundred as can be seen on the map. Most of the parts listed are found today as villages, e.g.: Bawburgh, Easton, East Tuddenham, Honningham and Honningham Thorpe, Brandon Parva, Runhall, Barford, Marlingford, Wramplingham, Carlton Forehoe. But others – e.g. Baskenea and Appethorpe – have disappeared from our maps. Yet more villages are listed though outside of the hundred: Long Stratton, Tasburgh, Taverham, Wacton, Billingford, Felthorpe. There are, in addition, the freemen and sokemen, those who once had sworn fealty to Harold Godwinsson, with their acreages in Cringleford, Earlham, Lyng, Bawdeswell, Stratton St Michael, Wymondham, and others. Together these manors, villages and isolated acres might be taken to indicate the earldom’s original extent. Of interest, in Norwich a church is included in the valuation, sited in the area of the original Viking wik.

The manor of Costessey was much reduced by the time it was granted to Count Alan in 1075. Yet it remained a kingly hold, with its ‘park for beasts of the chase’. A Norman phenomenon imported from France, during the next two centuries parks would become more common than the (horse) racecourse is today. But in 1086 Count Alan’s chase at Costessey was one of only five in the land. Maybe Harold created it in a bid to impress his Francophile king, Edward Confessor.

Granted to Count Alan upon its forfeiture by the rebel earl Ralph, this extensive manor was amongst the last to be added to what would become known as the Honour of Richmond. According to Blomefield that Honour included 166 lordships in Yorkshire, 101 in Lincolnshire, 12 in Hertfordshire, 7 in Nottinghamshire, 2 in Hampshire, 1 in Dorset, 63 in Cambridgeshire, 8 in Essex, and 81 in Norfolk – he overlooks the 100 or so in Suffolk. Neither does he divide these into manors-proper, berewicks, or the scant acreages of freemen. Local historian E G Gage, writing of Costessey Hall (1991) reckons it differently, giving 81 manors in England, 56 of which were in Norfolk. But however reckoned, in 1086 his income was £1,200 p.a. which, according to an article in the Daily Mail (8th Oct. 2007) in today’s terms equates to £81 billion. He was the fifth wealthiest man in England, after the king.

This enormous landed wealth passed on his death to his brother, also named Alan. When the younger Alan died the Honour of Richmond, with Costessey, its Norfolk capite, passed to yet another brother, Count Stephen. From Count Stephen it passed to Stephen’s son Alan who became Alan III Lord of Richmond. This Alan was the first lord of Richmond to be made an earl.

Confused by the Alans? So too have been many historians, for to compound the confusion the duke of Brittany also was named Alan: Alan Fergant. It was he they claimed as lord of Richmond, then gave to him the king’s daughter in marriage, and applied the title of earl. So to clarify:

Lords of Richmond

  • Alan I Lord of Richmond 1071-89
  • aka the Red, Rufus, or le Rous depending upon language used (English, Latin or French)
  • always styled himself Count of Brittany
  • second son of Eudes (or Odo or Eozen), count of Penthievre
  • grandson of Geoffrey, duke of Brittany and Hawise daughter of Richard I, duke of Normandy
  • no known wife, no known children.
  • his brother Alan Niger was heir to the lordship of Richmond.
  • Alan II Lord of Richmond 1089-1093
  • aka Niger, the Black or Nihel/Nigel/Neel
  • third son of Eudes (or Odo or Eozen) count of Penthievre
  • grandson of Geoffrey, duke of Brittany and Hawise, daughter of Richard I, duke of Normandy
  • no known wife, no known children.
  • his brother Count Stephen of Treguier was heir to the lordship of Richmond.
  • Alan III 1st Earl of Richmond, 1135-1146
  • Count of Penthievre
  • aka Niger, the Black or Nihel/Nigel/Neel
  • son of Count Stephen of Treguier
  • nephew of Alan I Lord of Richmond
  • married Bertha daughter and heiress of Conan III (le Gros) duke of Brittany 1112–1148
  • had son, Conan the Black born around 1138 who became earl of Richmond 1146-1171, and duke of Brittany 1156–1171

Dukes of Brittany

  • Alan III, Duke of Brittany 1008–1040
  • eldest son of Geoffrey, duke of Brittany and Hawise, daughter of Richard I, duke of Normandy
  • married Bertha of Blois, in 1018
  • had children: Hawise and Conan II, duke of Brittany 1056-1066
  • Alan IV, Duke of Brittany 1072–1112
  • aka Fergant, and ‘the Younger’
  • eldest son of Hoel II and Hawise, daughter of Alan III, duke of Brittany
  • married firstly Constance, daughter of William I, king of England, duke of Normandy; they had no children
  • married secondly Ermengarde of Anjou; they had 3 children.

In the decades between Alan I lord of Richmond (1071-89) and Alan III the Black, 1st earl of Richmond (1135-46) all had not been quiet in the land, neither in England nor Normandy. Late August/early September 1087 William I, king of England, duke of Normandy, aware he was dying, made his last bequests. Following the Norman custom he left to his oldest son, Robert Curthose, his patrimony. To his next son, William, later styled Rufus, he left his acquired portions, as was the custom. To his youngest, Henry, he left only a cash sum. That the eldest son was to have only the duchy while the next son was to inherit a kingdom was the cause of much acrimony. And it was not confined to them.

Though most of the tenants-in-chief in England held lands on both sides of the Channel, not all were Normans so not all were affected. But for those who were, this division of lands between the brothers caused a problem. Which one to support should the brothers fight? Many answered the question with their feet, and abandoned their lands in England. Others remained to support Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, half-brother to the late king, in his attempt to supplant young William with the elder, and to his mind, rightful, Robert. Yet the word of the dying king was law and the supporters of William II won out. As the supporters of Robert fled the land ahead of William II’s purge of Bishop Odo’s rebel bands, so the newly arrived with their silks, their long hair and their girlish ways.swelled the court of the young king, and the vacant manors were granted to these.

William II – named Rufus perhaps for his complexion since his hair was said to be blond – died in 1100. An accident while hunting. Henry, previously left with his ’20 pieces of silver’, grabbed at the English throne before his brother Robert, then returning from the First Crusade in the Holy Land, could claim it. There followed discord. Robert attempted to invade England, without success. In return Henry invaded Normandy – and captured Robert. He imprisoned his brother in Devices castle where he was to remain 20 years. He later was transferred to Cardiff castle, to die there in 1134, then in his 80s.

During these troubled years the Bretons of Richmond offered good council and remained loyal to the English Crown. The manor of Costessey remained with them.

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Meanwhile . . .

Jernegan d 1182 m Sibilla
~ Hubert fitz Jernegan m Maud de Watheby
As given by William Betham’s Baronetage of England

As given by tudorplace.com
Bryan Jerningham m Sibilla
~ Hubert Jerningham m Maud de Warheby

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Brittany like Ireland had a long history of internal conflicts and wars. In C11th this had resolved into two main factions.

  • The northern-based House of Penthievre, to which the lords of Richmond belonged.
  • The Dol-Lambelle faction* represented by a loose coalition of the lordships that stretched from Dol in the north to the banks of the Loire forming a buffer between Brittany and Normandy, Anjou and Poitou

* See K.S.B. Keats-Rohan 1991. Published Nottingham Mediaeval Studies 36 (1992), 42-78

In 1064, using well-tried tactics, Duke William of Normandy went to the aid of the Dol-Lambelle faction, an event shown on the Bayeux Tapestry as the siege of Dinan and Dol. His intent was clear: in return for his aid the lords of the Dol-Lambelle faction would swear fealty to him. No more troublesome Bretons upon his borders. But in interfering Duke William drove a solid wedge between the two factions and in 1066 these factions brought their rivalries into England.

Upon his own wisdom, perhaps, or upon another’s advice, William, now king of England, granted lands in the west and the south to the Dol-Lambelle faction, and in the north and the east to the House of Penthievre. In 1139 when civil war compounded the increasing anarchy of King Stephen’s reign, this conflict, arising in another land and 100 years previous, defined the lines drawn by the supporters of the cousins Matilda and Stephen as they fought for the English throne. Matilda’s own lands abutted those of the Dol-Lambelle faction, and so they supported her. Which left for Stephen the support of Alan III the Black, now conveniently created 1st Earl of Richmond.

This ancient rift was partly mended by the marriage of Alan the Black, earl of Richmond, and Bertha, daughter of Ermengarde of Anjou and heiress of Conan III, duke of Brittany. Upon her Alan begot Conan IV, who took in his turn his father’s sobriquet, the Black, and in 1146 the Honour of Richmond.

Hereafter the earldom of Richmond would descend in line with the dukedom of Brittany, though often only nominally, and not always recognised by the English Crown.

In 1154 King Stephen died, and Matilda’s son Henry II became king of England. He married Eleanor of Aquitaine and acquired, either through marriage or by inheritance, dominion over every land in western France, from Picardy and Normany in the north to Aquitaine and Provence in the south, leaving to the Capetian kings little more than the lands around Paris. All would have been well had Conan the Black accepted Henry as his overlord. But the Breton dukes long had refused to acknowledge the English Crown.

Henry II deemed his refusal tantamount to treason and retaliated by seizing the earldom of Richmond. Thus the manor of Costessey returned to the Crown.

However, with Brittany still boiling with petty wars and dissent, Conan soon was faced with rebellion and sought the help of Henry II. Henry must have rubbed his hands in glee. Here was his chance to acquire the final piece in his vast swathe of French lands. He agreed the help – but only on condition that Conan married his only daughter and heiress Constance to Henry’s own son Geoffrey Plantagenet.

Geoffrey Plantagenet, earl of Richmond, duke of Brittany, died at a joust, or so the tale goes. But not before he’d fathered two ill-fated children.

During the period of Conan’s forfeiture, while the Crown held the Honour of Richmond, the manor of Costessey was granted to yet another Alan, another Breton: Alan III viscount of Rohan (not only a place born of Tolkien’s imagination). Viscount Alan of Rohan was married to Duke Conan’s sister, Constance – not to be confused with his daughter of the same name. And there with the viscount the manor did briefly repose.

Conan died in 1171 and the Honour and earldom of Richmond passed to Constance, mother of Arthur Plantagenet, Henry II’s grandson. She married twice more after Plantagenet’s death: in 1188 to Ranulf, son and heir of Hugh de Kevelioc, earl of Chester; in 1199 to Guy de Thouars. Both these husbands took from her the title and Honour of Richmond, and with it the manor of Costessey.

When Constance died in 1194 Arthur Plantagenet was 7 years old. Earl of Richmond, duke of Brittany, he would not live long.

Henry II died in 1189. His elder son, the crusading Richard I the Lionheart, succeeded him. Yet he stepped only twice on English soil: for his coronation, and in 1194 when ransomed from captivity when he briefly appeared at Winchester cathedral. He died, childless, in 1199.

Despite Richard had named the young Arthur Plantagenet as his heir, it was Richard’s brother John who next was king. The Bretons, led by Constance, had refused to part with their Plantagenet son. When Richard tried to physically take him, his mother sent him to the French court of Philip II for protection. Philip, one-time ally of Richard, had in his absence turned rapacious and now was greedily eating into Richard’s lands.

All this King John inherited. And he did try to stem the French tide – but the English barons refused to grant him the financial aid; England couldn’t stand it, sucked dry the Richard’s ransom and crusade. So it wasn’t entirely his fault that the Plantagenet’s holdings were diminishing at alarming rate, though he was no great soldier. His penchant was rather for upsetting people. He upset Hugh de Lusignan when he stole Isabella de Angouleme, Hugh’s young bride. So it wasn’t surprising that Hugh de Lusignan rallied to the banner of the now 16 year old duke of Brittany, Arthur Plantagenet.

Arthur might have been young but he was no puppet of the opposing forces. He was their leader. In 1203 he and his fellows, including Hugh de Lusignan, besieged his own grandmother, Eleanor of Aquitaine now 72 years old. He intended to use her as a pawn in his war against John. But Eleanor, with warning of the attack, had sent word to John who, as luck would have it, was in Normandy defending his castles against the predations of Philip II, king of France. In a surprise attack John and his forces captured Arthur and his companions, and adroitly saved Eleanor.

He imprisoned Arthur at Rouen, which was the right thing to do. But while Arthur lived he posed too much of a threat. So on the night of April 3 John visited his cell. It was Easter. No one knows exactly what happened but Arthur’s young body later was found in the Seine, a stone tied to it.

Arthur’s death outraged even John’s corrupt supporters. He compounded it by imprisoning Arthur’s sister and heir Eleanor, styled Fair Maid of Brittany. She died in prison in England in 1241. By then Henry III had passed a law to prevent her succession.

Meanwhile, John, in desperate need of revenue after his Lionhearted brother had bankrupted the country with his crusading and ransom, put out to farm the manor of Costessey, amongst many others.

The dukedom of Brittany and the earldom of Richmond passed now to Alice, daughter of Constance and her third husband Guy de Thouars. She was 2 years old, and in view of the preceding events it was more a title assumed than granted. In 1213, at 12 years old, she was married to Peter de Dreux who then took her titles and the Honour of Richmond. But the earldom was forfeit when in 1235 he renounced his allegiance to England.

It seems that once detached from the Honour the manor of Costessey remained so, at least for a while. In 1220 Henry III granted the manor to his queen consort, Eleanor of Provence. But it was taken back into the Honour, for in 1241 Henry bestowed it upon Eleanor’s uncle, Peter de Savoy, the next earl of Richmond where it remained until Peter died in 1268. Honour, title and manor then were granted to Eleanor.

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Meanwhile . . .

Hubert fitz Jernegan m Maud de Watheby
~ Sir Hubert Jernegan fl 1239 m Margery de Herling
~ ~ Godfrey Jernegan
~ ~ Sir William Jernegan m Julian Gymingham
~ ~ Robert Jernegan
~ ~ Sir Hugh Jernegan m Ellen Inglesthorpe
~ ~~ Jane Jernegan m John Leyton
~ ~ ~ Sir Walter Jernegan
As given by William Betham’s Baronetage of England

As given by tudorplace.com
Hubert Jerningham m Maud de Warheby
~ Hugh Jerningham m Ellen Ingoldesthorpe
~ ~ Sir Walter Jerningham

________________________________

Note: for the sake of clarity, in these genealogical charts the heir is listed last, although he usually was firstborn

For abbreviations and conventions used, see previous post: Foundations 1: The Family

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Eleanor died in 1291, almost 20 years into the reign of Edward I. The honour and manor reverted to Crown.

It was during the reigns of Edward I, II and III, covering years 1272-1377, that the magnates and barons, building upon Magna Carta reluctantly signed by King John in 1215, firmly established a Parliament that would henceforth act as a brake upon royal excesses. It was not easily done. At the same time the kings of England were pried away from their Plantagenet holdings in France, a process that included the Hundred Years War. Meanwhile, the focus was moved to Ireland and Wales, and particularly to Scotland.

As for the manor of Costessey, it was granted by Edward II to one Sir John de Clavering for the term of his life. According to Blomefield this John was an Essex nobleman who in 1274 was granted the farm of the recently joined Norfolk hundreds of Loddon and Clavering. (However, I found John de Clavering to be a grandson of Robert FitzRichard of Warkworth castle in Northumberland who had been a favourite of King John. He was given several of the Norfolk hundreds including Forehoe, which explains how he came by Cossey). Despite today’s use of the word, to hold at farm had nothing to do with agriculture. It was to lease at a specified rent in return for the profits of the estate. The farm of a hundred would include the fines from the hundred court. A lucrative grant with potential for corruption.

In 1337 Sir Robert de Ufford was created as 1st Earl of Suffolk by Edward III. He had already been granted what amounted to the Norfolk slice of the Honour of Richmond, the manor of Costessey included. But the earldom was of short duration, for when William de Ufford, 2nd Earl of Suffolk, died in 1382, though his widow Isabel continued to hold the manor, with no surviving heirs, the title and earldom returned to the Crown – leaving the way open for Michael de la Pole.

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Meanwhile . . .

Sir Walter JerneganIsabel FitzOsbert
~ Sir Peter Jernegan m 1stly Alice Germayn
~ Sir Peter Jernegan m 2ndly Matilda dau/Roger Herling
~ Sir Peter Jernegan m 3rdly Ellen, dau/Roger de Huntingfield
~ ~ Sir John Jernegan m Agatha Shelton
~ ~ ~ Sir John Jernegan
As given by William Betham’s Baronetage of England

As given by tudorplace.com
Sir Walter Jerningham m Isabel FitzRobert
~ Sir Peter Jerningham bc 1288 d 1346 m 1stly Matilda de Herling
Sir Peter Jerningham d 1346 m 2ndly Ellen, dau/Sir Roger Huntingfield
~ ~ Sir John Jerningham fl 1362 m Agatha Shelton
~ ~ ~ Sir John Jerningham

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In 1385, precipitating the opening moves of the War of Roses, Richard II, grandson of Edward III, created Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk.

Richard II, son of the Black Prince, Edward of Woodstock, and Joan, Fair of Kent, was ten years old when his grandfather Edward III died. Though the Black Prince had this past year died, and he would have been the heir, yet Richard was heir to him, and had been trained to his position. But his mother had pampered him, and born on Twelfth Night, with three visiting kings present, he’d been given to believe that God would rule through him as king. Here already were the seeds of his downfall.

Too young to rule alone, and with his uncles all powerful dukes who might be tempted to take the throne from him, Parliament appointed a Council of Twelve to provide guidance for the king and, more importantly, to safeguard the country. In 1381 one of this Parliament-appointed Council was Michael de la Pole.

Richard, now aged 14 and newly-wed, was beginning to show some of the notorious Plantagenet wildness. It was thought that Michael de la Pole might curb these excesses. What better choice: Michael was wealthy, influential, and a supporter of John of Gaunt. John, third of Edward III’s five sons, thus King Richard’s uncle, was duke of Lancaster, putative king of Castile and Leon, and duke of Aquitaine through his second marriage; a man of note.

In 1383 the Chancellor Richard Scrope criticised Richard for extravagance. Richard, now flexing his adolescent muscles, sacked him and set Michael de la Pole in his place. Two years later he made Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk. Unfortunately the de la Poles were not an aristocratic family. In fact, until Edward III appointed him Chief Butler at court Michael’s grandfather had been a merchant financier in Hull. Nothing wrong in that – except to make the grandson an earl was considered an outrage.

Not content with this Richard then singled out Robert de Vere to make Duke of Ireland. Edward III was the first to use the ducal title in England, and it was reserved particularly for royal family. Richard had set de Vere above his own uncles and those uncles were furious. To add insult, though the pedigree of the Anglo-Norman de Vere family, earls of Oxford, was amongst the oldest in England, this Robert was much disliked. Rumours hinted that Richard and Robert were lovers. There is no evidence for it, and the same was levelled against William II and his favourite Ranulf Flambard, and Edward II and Piers Gaveston.

The one person who might have dealt tactfully and successfully with the situation was John of Gaunt. But in an effort to draw French attention away from a potential invasion of England, John had left for Castile where his potential throne had been usurped by King Juan. In his absence the situation reached crisis.

Richard II asked Parliament for a four-fold increase in taxation. It was not only to fund his own extravagance. Coastal defences were needed against the French. The Scottish Border needed constant patrols. And John of Gaunt’s expedition had also to be funded.

Parliament refused him. Tax already stood at four English pennies from every man and woman aged 14 and over. They would not raise it to the requested shilling. The country was already beggered by the French Wars; the people couldn’t bear such a tax. Instead economies must be made in Richard’s royal household. Parliament seized on the chance to be rid of the royal toadies, the unneeded drains upon the nation’s economy. They demanded the removal of the Chancellor, Michael de la Pole. Thomas duke of Gloucester, one of Richard’s five uncles, and Richard FitzAlan, earl of Arundel, both members of the Council of Twelve, supported the move.

Richard refused their demands and left the capital to travel around England. Such royal itineraries were common, for no one region could support the king’s court for long. But Richard had other reasons. He wanted to assess his level of support – should the worst happen. And the worst did happen. On his return to the south his way was blocked by the armies of Gloucester and Arundel. Richard had only the army of Robert de Vere.

The Battle of Radcot Bridge tends not to be reckoned as part of the War of the Roses, yet it was the opening gambit. Richard lost. His companions variously fled, were exiled, were hanged or beheaded on charges of treason. For in clustering around Richard they used up the funds needed for defence of the nation, his opponents said.

Michael de la Pole fled to Paris where he remained until his death in 1389. In his absence his titles were stripped of him, to be restored after his death to his son, also named Michael de la Pole. This Michael, 2nd earl of Suffolk, married Katherine of Stafford, supported Henry IV against Richard II, and died patriotically during the Siege of Harfleur.

Whatever else might be said of Richard II, in an age marked by its cruelty, he punished only to the need and sought no revenge. For, as hes claimed, he governed on God’s behalf. Thus, he issued pardons to those who had led the attack against him – to Thomas duke of Gloucester, and to FitzAlan, earl of Arundel. And he excused his cousin, John of Gaunt’s son, Henry Bolingbroke.

And so it remained – until his uncle, John of Gaunt, was no more at his side, an aged man dying. Then, finally, Richard struck back. He reversed his word, he charged his attackers with treason. Yet even then he could not be savage. For Arundel he commuted the usual sentence for treason, i.e. to be hung, drawn and quartered, to one of a private beheading. Gloucester he sent to Calais, there to await trail. Though once there he was dispatched – by a pillow in his sleep, so rumour said. Henry Bolingbroke he exiled for a period of ten years.

Had he kept to that all might have been well. But as soon as John of Gaunt was dead. Richard changed Bolingbroke’s period of exile from 10 years to life, and denied him the right claim his inheritance, which would have made him a wealthy and powerful man. Furious, himself stirred to revenge, Henry Bolingbroke returned to England and marched on Richard. He claimed he wanted only his inheritance. Yet events slipped from his hands. In the face of a massive uprising, Richard was compelled to abdicate. Imprisoned, he died of starvation.

Richard had sired no sons but he had named Roger Mortimer, earl of March, as his heir. Yet Henry Bolingbroke took for himself the throne and the crown.

Bolingbroke – Henry IV – was to prove himself less of a king than was Richard II. By the turn of the century Parliament was complaining of his expenses. And he mishandled the Welsh situation sparking a full-scale uprising led by the Welsh rebel Owen Glendower. Moreover and more serious, he mishandled the Scots situation. The disgruntled Northumbrian Percy family joined with the Welsh and the disinherited Mortimer. And in addition, the French king Charles, when lucid, resented Henry IV for deposing Richard, his legitimate in-law. When Henry’s health began to fail – as God’s punishment for usurping the throne, so the rumour-smiths said – his son and heir, Henry V, acted to save him and the day.

___________________________________________

Meanwhile . . .

Sir John Jernegan d 1375 m Joan, dau-coheir/Sir William de Kelveden
~ Jane Jernegan m Sir G Debenham
~ Sir John Jernegan m 1374 Margaret, dau/Sir Thomas Vise de Lou, Knt 
~ ~ Humphrey Jernegan d 1446
~ ~ Alice Jernegan m John Cleresby
~ ~ Elizabeth Jernegan m John Gonvile
~ ~ Sir Thomas Jernegan
As given by William Betham’s Baronetage of England

As given by tudorplace.com
Sir John Jerningham m Joan de Kelvedon
~ Jane Jerningham bc 1412 m Gilbert Debenham
~ ~ Elizabeth Debenham fl 1430-1502 m Thomas Brewse
~ John Jerningham fl 1410 m Margaret Visdelow
~ ~ Thomas Jerningham

___________________________________________

Blomefield’s often entangled wording was frequently to trip me. Witness:

[Sir Robert de Ufford died in 1368] and was succeeded by Will. de Ufford Earl of Suffolk, his son and heir, whose wife, Isabell, held this manor at the fourth part of a fee, and let it to Michael de la Pole Earl of Suffolk, for her life, and in 1384, the said Michael obtained a patent of the King, to hold it in fee to him and his heirs, but he being afterwards attainted, it was granted to Edmund de Langley Duke of York, [along with other listed manors], &c. parcel of the possessions of Thomas Duke of Gloucester, [Edmund’s brother, Richard’s uncle] who was attainted, which Duke had obtained a grant of it after the Earl of Suffolk’s attainder, notwithstanding all which, at the death of Michael de la Pole Duke of Suffolk, which happened in his banishment at Paris, this manor came to Isebell, his widow, who owned it in 1401; and after her death, Michael de la Pole, being restored to his honour and estate, enjoyed the manor, and was lord here.

From: ‘Hundred of Forehoe: Cossey’, An Essay towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk: volume 2 (1805), pp. 406-419.

All perfectly clear?

  • Sir Robert de Ufford died in 1368
  • He was succeeded by William de Ufford, earl of Suffolk
  • William’s wife Isabell held this manor at the fourth part of a fee
  • She let it to Michael de la Pole, earl of Suffolk, for her life
  • In 1384, Michael obtained a patent of the king to hold it in fee for himself and his heirs
  • But Michael was afterwards attainted (given death sentence)
  • The manor, with others, then was granted to Edmund de Langley, duke of York, another of Edward III’s five sons, thus brother of Thomas duke of Gloucester
  • Some of these listed manors had been the possessions of said Thomas, duke of Gloucester, who also was attainted
  • Thomas duke of Gloucester obtained a grant of it after Michael de la Pole’s attainder
  • Notwithstanding all which, at the death of Michael de la Pole, duke of Suffolk, the manor reverted to Isebell, his widow
  • Isebell, his widow, owned it in 1401
  • After her death, Michael de la Pole, being restored to his honour and estate, enjoyed the manor, and was lord here.

Now the only confusion relates to the widow Isebell. Whose widow was she? The answer: William de Ufford’s, earl of Suffolk.

She was Isabel Beauchamp, daughter of Thomas de Beauchamp, earl of Warwick and marshal of England. This was her second marriage, as it was his. She died in 1416, a nun.

In 1416 the manor come to rest with Michael de la Pole.

But here is a problem. Michael de la Pole, both father and son, 2nd and 3rd earls of Suffolk, died in 1415. The first, as already said, at the Siege of Harfleur, the second at Agincourt.

Perhaps this hiccup is no more than a matter of paperwork.

The manor of Costessey, along with the rest of the 2nd earl of Suffolk’s inheritance, passed then to his widow Katherine of Stafford – who, incidentally, was niece of the widow Isabel Beauchamp. From Katherine the manor passed to her younger son William de la Pole, for the elder son, Michael, already was dead of Agincourt.

This William de la Pole gained prominence during the wars in France despite his capture soon after the Siege of Orleans (1429, relieved by Joan of Arc). He returned to England after three years a prisoner of the French king, to have honours heaped upon him. Now a courtier and a close ally of Henry Beaufort, son of John of Gaunt, and Cardinal Bishop of Winchester, he was given the task of negotiating the marriage of Henry VI with Margaret of Anjou (1444). For said service he was made marquess of Suffolk which raised him above an earl without offending the royals by making him duke. But a secret clause had been added during the negotiations: that Henry VI would return to France the Plantagenet provinces of Maine and Anjou.

That clause, together with his close friendship with the new queen, proved his downfall. For although he had married Alice Chaucer, granddaughter of the poet Geoffrey Chaucer, rumours soon were to circulate that Suffolk and the queen were lovers.

Meanwhile, with the deaths of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, Lord Protector, son of Henry IV Bolingbroke – charged with treason (his wife already charged with sorcery) yet he died of natural causes – and the aforementioned Cardinal Bishop Beaufort, in 1447 William de la Pole became the new power behind the throne. He was appointed Chamberlain, Admiral of England, and created earl of Pembroke, duke of Suffolk.

Such a rise inevitably attracted enemies. Accused of treason and of mishandling money, responsible for the English losses in France, he was arrested and imprisoned in the Tower of London. But, the king’s favourite, he wasn’t accorded the usual sentence for traitors. Instead Henry VI gave him 5 years banishment  – only his enemies decided that was too good a fate. He was killed almost as soon as he boarded the ship to Calais.

William had already settled the manor of Costessey (and others) upon his wife Alice. At her death in 1475, her son John de la Pole, duke of Suffolk, inherited. He settled the manor upon his wife Elizabeth Plantagenet, sister of the Yorkist kings, Edward IV and Richard III. John de la Pole died in 1492 and was buried at Wingfield in Suffolk. It is the claimed birthplace, 20 years on, of Sir Henry Jerningham.

But there are yet some violent acts to play.

_________________________________

Meanwhile . . .

Sir Thomas Jernegan m Joan Appleyard; m 2ndly Agnes
~ Margaret Jernegan
~ John Jernegan Esq m Joan/Jane, dau/Sir John Darrell, Knt, of Cale Hill, Kent
~ ~ Osbert Jernegan of Worlingham
~ ~ Anne Jernegan, a nun at Bruisyard, Suffolk
~ ~ Barbara Jernegan, a nun at Campsey Ash, Suffolk
~ ~ Thomasine Jernegan, a nun at Denny, Cambs
~ ~ John Jernegan Esq d 1503 m 1450 Isabella, dau-heir/Sir Gervase Clifton
~ ~ ~ Sir Richard Jerningham
~ ~ ~ Mary Jerningham
~ ~ ~ Sir Edward Jerningham
As given by William Betham’s Baronetage of England

As given by tudorplace.com
Sir Thomas Jernegan m Joan Appleyard
~ Sir John Jerningham
d 1474 m Agnes Darrell

~ ~ Elizabeth Jerningham dc 1518 m John William Denton
~ ~ John Jerningham m Isabel, dau/Gervase Clifton
~ ~ ~ Mary Jerningham bc 1460
~ ~ ~ Sir Edward Jerningham

_________________________________

Through John de la Pole’s marriage to Elizabeth Plantagenet, he and his sons became central to the final twists of the War of the Roses.

Shakespeare’s eight historical plays, from Richard II to Richard III by way of the Henrys, IV, V, VI, Parts 1, 2 & 3, follow the rises and falls, victories and defeats of the two branches of Edward III’s Plantagenet House, the Houses of York and Lancaster, that today we know as the War of the Roses. The name originates in Henry VI, Part One, when the English nobility choose either a red or a white rose to signify which House they support, Lancaster or York. But the name itself wasn’t used until late C19th, and even then only to denote a dynastic struggle. Also, while Shakespeare’s plays may make it seem that the land of England was bathed in the blood of brothers for one hundred years in fact, discounting the Battle of Radcot Bridge in 1387, there were only three periods of bloody battles, and those between 1455 and 1487.

File:Choosing the Red and White Roses.jpg

Plucking the Red and White Roses in the Old Temple Gardens
Preliminary painting for a mural in the East Corridor of the Palace of Westminster.
Artist, Henry Arthur Payne (1868-1940)
Plucked from wikimedia commons: in public domain

The War of the Roses, made simple  . . .

In 1460 the Yorkist faction, declaring their loyalty to Henry VI of the House of Lancaster, yet attempted to rid the land of the ‘evil’ court of his queen Margaret of Anjou. After several defeats and setbacks, the House of York eventually won, and Edward IV was placed on the throne.

In 1471 said French-born queen Margaret of Anjou, now Henry VI’s widow, mounted her high horse in hopes of restoring the throne to her son, Edward Prince of Wales. Alas, he died in battle.

In 1483, to inherit the throne from his brother Edward IV, Richard III made the very bad mistake of spiriting away his nephews – which included the new king, Edward V. Suspected of murder, the taint split the House of York’s supporters and, taking advantage of the subsequent weakness, the Lancastrians won.

Richard’s murder of his nephews, the Princes in the Tower, has never been proven. Edward V, then 13 years old, was the elder son of Edward IV; he reigned for a mere 10 weeks. He and his younger brother, Richard, duke of York, were taken to the Tower of London, supposedly for their own safety. They never were seen again.

Richard III was next in line to the throne. But having been rid of his nephews, Richard then fell at the Battle of Bosworth Field (1485) leaving only two claimants of the House of York. John de la Pole and his younger brother Edmund were Richard’s nephews by his sister.

To simplify their line of descent, and their claims:

Edward III king of England d 1377
~ Edward of Woodstock, the Black Prince d 1376
~ ~ Richard II king of England d 1199
~ Lionel duke of Clarence d 1368
~ ~ Philippa Plantagenet m Edmund Mortimer, earl of March
~ ~ ~ Roger Mortimerheir presumptive to Richard II 
~ ~ ~ ~ Anne Mortimer m Richard, earl of Cambridge, son/Edmund Langley, duke of York
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Richard Plantagenet, duke of York, m. Cecily Neville, granddau/John of Gaunt
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Elizabeth Plantagenet m John de la Pole, duke of Suffolk
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ John de la Pole, earl of Lincoln
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Edmund de la Pole, duke of Suffolk

With the Lancastrians victorious at Battle of Bosworth Field, Elizabeth Plantagenet’s husband, John de la Pole, wisely bowed his head to the new king, Henry VII; as too did his son, John de la Pole, not long created earl of Lincoln. But two years later the son John rebelled and was killed in battle.

The de la Pole’s title and estate, including the manor of Costessey, passed then to the younger son, Edmund.

In his triumph, Henry VII, now married to Elizabeth, sister of the missing princes, was gracious to the defeated House of York. He allowed Edmund his inheritance, despite he now was the House of York’s only hope. He even allowed him the title of duke – though later, when Edmund complained he had not enough lands to support a duke’s lifestyle, Henry demoted him to earl.

But Edmund was not content. He wanted that throne, it was his. So in 1501 he sought the support and aid of Maximilian I, the Holy Roman Emperor. Unfortunately, he was betrayed to the Tudor king by Maximilian’s son Philip, King of Castile. Henry VII was lenient, he merely imprisoned the Pretender. But in 1513 Henry VIII was less so; he ordered Edmund beheaded for treason. The de la Poles lands again reverted to Crown, to be redistributed.

______________________________________

Meanwhile . . .

John Jernegan Esq d 1503 m 1450 Isabella, dau-heir/Sir Gervase Clifton
~ Sir Richard Jerningham
~ Mary Jerningham m Thomas Stanhope, Esq
~ Sir Edward Jerningham d 1515 m Margaret d1504, dau/Sir Edmund Bedingfield
~ ~ John Jerningham
~ ~ Thomas Jerningham
~ ~ Olyff Jerningham
~ ~ Sir Robert Jerningham
~ ~ Nicholas Jerningham
~ ~ Anne Jerningham m x5
~ ~ Margaret Jerningham m x2.
~ Sir Edward Jerningham d 1515 m Mary, dau/Sir Richard, Lord Scrope of Bolton
~ ~ Sir Henry Jerningham of Huntingfield & Wingfield (later of Costessey) 
~ ~ Ferdinand Jerningham
~ ~ Edmund Jerningham
~ ~ Elizabeth Jerningham
~ ~ Edward Jerningham, born posthumously
As given by William Betham’s Baronetage of England

As given by tudorplace.com
John Jerningham m Isabel, dau/Gervase Clifton
~ Mary Jerningham bc 1460 m Thomas Stanhope
~ ~ Edward Stanhope
~ Sir Edward Jerningham d 1516 1stly mc 1499 Margaret, dau/Sir Edmund Bedingfield
~ ~ Anne Jerningham bc 1484 m x5
~ ~ John Jerningham of Somerleyton, bc 1493
~ ~ Thomas Jerningham
~ ~ Nicholas Jerningham
~ ~ Henry Jerningham
~ ~ Fernand Jerningham
~ ~ Margaret Jerningham
~ ~ Robert Jerningham bc 1490
~ Sir Edward Jerningham 2ndly mc 1509 Mary Scrope of Bolton
~ ~ Elizabeth Jerningham, bbf 1515
~ ~ Sir Henry Jerningham of Cotesby Hall, b 1512

______________________________________

The account given by Blomefield now differs from that given by Gage which I have previously followed. Blomefield says:

The manor of Costessey now reverted to the Crown to be granted next to Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk.

The dukes of Norfolk were descended from Edward I’s son, Thomas of Brotherton, as shown:

Thomas of Brotherton, son/Edward I, created 1st earl of Norfolk, d 1338
~ Margaret, countess of Norfolk, d 1399 m John, Baron Segrave
~ ~ Elizabeth de Segrave, d 1368 m John, Baron Mowbray, d 1368
~ ~ ~ Thomas de Mowbray, created 1st duke of Norfolk, d1399 m Elizabeth, dau/Richard FitzAlan, Earl Arundel
~ ~ ~ John de Mowbray, 2nd duke of Norfolk d 1432 m Catherine Neville
~ ~ ~ ~ John de Mowbray, 3rd duke of Norfolk d 1461 m Eleanor, dau/William Bourchier, count of Eu
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ John de Mowbray, 4th duke of Norfolk d 1476 m Elizabeth de Beauchamp
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ no male heirs, dukedom extinct

[] Sir Robert Howard d1436 m Margaret, dau/Thomas de Mowbray, 1st duke of Norfolk (above)
[]~ John Howard, created 1st duke of Norfolk, d 1485
[]~ ~ Thomas Howard, 2nd duke of Norfolk, d 1524 m Elizabeth Tilney
[]~ ~ ~ Thomas Howard, 3rd duke of Norfolk, d 1554 m 1stly Anne, dau/Edward IV

In 1511, as a settlement in a dispute between the sisters, Catherine, whose husband that year was created earl of Devon, and Anne, wife of Thomas Howard, son of the duke of Norfolk, both daughters of Edward IV, the Norfolk manors of Walsingham, Bircham, and others, had been returned to Henry VIII. He then granted to Anne’s husband Thomas Howard the castles and manors of Wingfield, Sileham-cum-Vese (in Stradbrook nr. Eye), Frostenden and Creeting in Suffolk, and Stockton, Claxton, Helhoughton and Costessey in Norfolk.

At least, this is how I understand Blomefield’s account. Beyond that requires another untangling of prose.

This Thomas, [referring back to the Thomas of the 1511 settlement] though he is only called Thomas Howard, Knt. was after Duke of Norfolk, and had issue, Thomas and Anne, who both died young, so that for want of issue of the body of the said Anne, the manor reverted to the crown at the Duke’s death.

Not too bad. But then this:

The Dukes of Suffolk all along laid claim to this manor, but Henry VIII purchased it off, and was sole and indisputable lord here, and made a grant of it to the Lady Anne de Cleve, for a term, after which, it continued in the Crown, till Queen Mary granted it to Sir Henry Jernegan . . .

This needs some clarification.

It was the custom at that time to grant manors, castles and like to the husband and wife combined. The term was usually ‘for the life of — [husband and wife] — and the heirs of their body’. Though it could also be for ‘term of their lives’ or ‘at the king’s pleasure’. So while, yes, in the first instance the granted lands would revert to the Crown in the absence of heirs, it would not do so whilst one of the spouses remained alive. And while Anne of York died 23rd November 1511, her husband Thomas Howard did not follow her to the grave until 1554 – just one year before Queen Mary granted the manor of Costessey, and much else listed in that earlier land-grant, to Sir Henry Jerningham. How then could Henry VIII make a grant of it to Anne de Cleve?

It can only be because, as Blomefield says, that ‘Henry VIII purchased it off’, though there clearly are errors in Blomefield’s dates: ‘In 1511, as a settlement’ . . . yet the said Anne died the same year.

I shall for now gloss over the claim on tudorplace.com that Sir Henry Jerningham was born, 1512, at Wingfield in Suffolk. How would that be possible if it were part of the estate of Thomas and Anne Howard? And no easier were it the estate of the dukes of Suffolk, for, as Blomefield says, ‘the Dukes of Suffolk all along laid claim to this manor’.

The title of Duke of Suffolk was surrendered by Edmund de la Pole in 1493 to be created anew by Henry VIII in 1514 for Charles Brandon, one of his favourites, and grandfather of Lady Jane Grey.

In 1551 the title again became extinct when Charles Brandon’s two sons, the elder then 16 years old, both died the same day of sweating fever.

The title was created a third time for Henry Grey who had married Lady Frances Brandon, daughter of Charles Brandon, sister of the two boys.

Alas for Henry Grey. Father of Lady Jane Grey, the Nine Days Queen, he forfeited title and head in 1554, charged with plotting against the Catholic Princess Mary, by then queen thanks to the efforts of her Master of Horse, Sir Henry Jerningham.

To return to the question: did Charles Brandon try to claim the estates of the former duke of Suffolk, the manor of Costessey amongst them? Or was the claim made by Edmund de la Pole’s widow? One thing is certain: it wasn’t yet granted to Anne of Cleves, for she wasn’t yet born. Indeed, she wasn’t married to Henry VIII until January 1540 – though the following January the manor of Costessey was amongst those granted to her for term of life. (see ‘Henry VIII: Miscellaneous 1541’, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 16: 1540-1541 (1898), pp. 696-730.)

As already said, it was usual to grant land to both husband and wife for the term of their lives and for that of their heirs. Thus when, on the death of John de la Pole in 1492, the estate passed to Edmund it would have been confirmed upon his spouse, as well. So who was she, wife of Edmund de la Pole, now his widow?

Born Margaret Scrope, she was daughter of Sir Henry Scrope of Bolton, a name already noted as father of Mary Scrope, Sir Edward Jerningham’s second wife and mother of Sir Henry Jerningham.

It was she, Margaret Scrope, who claimed the Costessey manor. But the widow Margaret died in 1514, and with no male heirs the estate reverted to Crown.

Blomefield was meticulous in his circuit of Norfolk, visiting every large and small hall of every noble, knight and squire, sorting through crumbling and dusty old records, visiting parsonages, examining the churches for their commemorative windows and brasses. He was quite the expert on heraldry, from which much can be gleaned – though not dates. But he wrote in the language of his day and, as already seen, often his phrasing results in confusion. Yet it is the account given by E G Gage in 1991 that confuses the more.

He omits all that of the Howards, and gives instead details of various holders, assumingly of the Crown. I have summarised them:

  • 1514: Thomas Soper – of whom I can find no other mention
  • 1517: Dame Fraunces Penyngton, given as a kinswoman of duke of Suffolk, The Penningtons were a northern family.
  • 1527: Sir William Penyngton, leased for a period of thirty years though he died after only 6 years
  • 1535: Dame Frances Penyngton (again) who leased the manor to John and Roger Grey. Although Grey was then a name as commonly found as Brown is today, yet two families of Greys were connected through marriage to the Brandons, dukes of Suffolk. I cannot find to which one they belonged.
  • 1541: (Gage gives 1546) manor granted to Anne of Cleves for the term of her life
  • 1546: Anne of Cleves leased the manor to Roger Grey, thus allowing his tenancy to continue.

Lady Anne of Cleves died in 1557. By then she had obviously been dispossessed of at least some of her holdings since two years previously, in 1555, Queen Mary had granted the manor to Sir Henry Jerningham.

And so we have arrived again at our subject. But as a note to finish this post . . .

On a recent return to Costessey village I noticed a new build of houses, a cul-de-sac named Cleves Way. Nice, I thought, to have named it after Anne of Cleves. Unfortunate that it occupies the site of the old slaughter house – where pigs daily were beheaded and cleaved!

~ ~ ~

In the next post, My Lady Mary, I hope to answer why tudorplace.com gives Sir Henry Jerningham’s birthplace as Wingfield while it was still in the hold of Edmund’s widow Margaret. And why Gage and Blomefield give his wife as Mary Baynham, yet Betham in his Baronetage of England gives it as Frances as does tudorplace.com.

~ ~ ~

Details for the historical narrative were gleaned from:

      • Anglo-Saxon Chronicles
      • The Plantagenets, Dan Brown, Harper Press, 2012, ISBN: 978-0-00-721392-4
      • The War of the Roses, Trevor Royle, Abacus, 2011, ISBN: 978-9-349-11790-4
      • A History of the English-Speaking Peoples, Vol 1, Winston Churchill, Cassell & Co, 1956
      • And from the many entries of Wikipedia